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Družina v Laškem v predmarčni dobi
No full textThe article presents the family in the town of Laško in the pre-March era on the basis of data obtained from the church civil-status registers of the Laško diocese for the years 1814- 1848. In the pre-March period, Laško was one of the larger market towns; however, owing to its poor traffic connections, it experienced poor economic development. Consequently, the market mostly had small craftsmen who supplemented their shops with agriculture for their own needs. Its small size (545 inhabitants) made Laško demographically unsustainable, which is why 72% of all married couples featured one partner from outside the town. Grooms who married women from Laško were craftsmen from near and far, while brides mostly came from the surrounding rural area. The young couple usually moved into their own home and thus did not live with the parents. It was only later, once the parents died, that the young family moved back to the house in which the husband was born. On average, families had five children. Children were baptized immediately after birth. Careful selection ensured that their godfathers enjoyed a social position equal to that of the child’s parents. Death was common in the family, in particular among infants, only about half of whom lived to adulthood. The average life expectancy was 50 years, so that most children succeeded their father at the age of 20-30.Družina v Laškem v predmarčni dobi je predstavljena na podlagi podatkov, pridobljenih iz cerkvenih matičnih knjig župnije Laško za leta 1814- 1848. Laško je bilo v predmarčni dobi eden izmed večjih Spodnještajerskih trgov, ki pa je bilo zaradi slabih prometnih povezav slabo gospodarsko razvito. Tako so v trgu prevladovali mali obrtniki, ki so se poleg obrti ukvarjali še s kmetijstvom, ki je služilo lastnim potrebam. Laško zaradi svoje majhnosti (545 prebivalcev) ni bilo demografsko samozadostno, zato je bilo kar 72% vseh parov pri katerih eden izmed partnerjev ni izhajal iz Laškega. Ženini, ki so se poročili z Laščanko so bili obrtniki od blizu in daleč, neveste pa so izhajale predvsem iz bližnje kmečke okolice. Mladi par si je ob poroki ponavadi ustvaril lasten dom in tako ni živel skupaj s starši. Šele kasneje, ko so starši umrli se je družina preselila nazaj v ženinovo rojstno hišo. Družine so imele v povprečju pet otrok. Otroke so krstili takoj po rojstvu in so jim skrbno izbrali botre, ki so imeli enak ali višji družbeni položaj, kot otrokovi starši. Smrt je bila v družini precej pogosta, predvsem med dojenčki, od katerih je le dobra polovica vse otrok dočakala odraslo dobo. Povprečna življenjska doba je bila 50 let, tako so otroci v starosti od 20-30 let ponavadi nasledili očetovo mesto v družini
Angelske fantazme: Tatjana Rozman, Pojoči kastrati – (zlo)rabljeno telo na odru. Celje: Zgodovinsko društvo, 2010. 72 strani. (zgodovini.ce ; 10)
No full textOb besedi kastrat najprej pomislimo na pohabljeno moško telo, hkrati pa na božanski glas, ki so ga oboževale množice. Kastrati so svojevrsten fenomen, ki ga baročna miselnost postavi na piedestal opernih odrov in umetelnega. Kljub temu, da so po eni strani predmet občudovanja širše publike zaradi svojega izjemnega in unikatnega glasu, so po drugi strani zaradi svoje telesne pohabljenosti stigmatizirani. Pred oznako nenravnosti in vulgarnosti pa jih varuje ravno njihov glas, ki predstavlja pojmovanje užitka
Narodnostni boji v planinstvu na Slovenskem do 1. svetovne vojne
No full textIn the introductory part, the article briefly presents the development of mountaineering in Slovenia with a focus on the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. This was the time when the first hiking associations were established. The first were German, followed by the first Slovenian one at the end of the 19th century. At the same time, this was the time of ethnic tension between the Germans and Slovenes, tensions which were also felt in the mountains. The Germans built cabins in the Slovenian mountains and erected signs and signposts in German only. This evidently showed that they saw Slovenian soil as German. Once they established their own Hiking Association, the Slovenians resisted this, which led to conflict and tension and a fight for the mountains.Prispevek na začetku daje kratek vpogled v razvoj planinstva pri nas, glavno dogajanje, ki mu sledi, pa je potisnjeno v okvir druge polovice 19. stoletja in na začetek 20. stoletja. To je obdobje ustanavljanja planinski društev, najprej nemških in nato konec 19. stoletja še prvega slovenskega, je obdobje narodnostnih bojev med Nemci in Slovenci, ki so se prenesli tudi v gore. Nemci so v slovenskih gorah gradili planinske koče, postavljali so le nemške napise ter table. S tem so jasno kazali na to, da želijo prikazati slovensko zemljo kot nemško. Slovenci so se, ko so ustanovili svoje Slovensko planinsko društvo, temu uprli. Prišlo je do medsebojnih obračunavanj in nasprotovanj, do boja za gore
Po zadnji modi, ampak praktično in enostavno: Maja Gombač, »Modni pêle mêle« slovenske družbe v obdobju med svetovnim vojnama. Ljubljana : Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, 2011. 384 strani. (Zbirka Razpoznavanja ; 13)
No full textOsrednji nosilec modernizacijskih procesov na različnih področjih (političnem, gospodarskem, socialnem, kulturnem) je bilo tudi v slovenskem prostoru meščanstvo. Te družbene skupine, kateri je bila glavna vrednota delo, ni toliko opredeljevala njegova gospodarska in politična moč, ampak meščanska kultura oz. meščanski način življenja. Med razpoznavne znake njihove kulture je sodilo tudi ravnanje po (zadnji) modi, potrošnja mode pa je postala del meščanske identitete. Potemtakem imajo modernizacijski procesi svoje vzporednice tudi v modi; ena od poudarjenih značilnosti modernizacije je individualnost in prav ta je prišla močno do izraza ravno v modi. Prilagajanje družbi na eni in odstopanje od njenih zahtev na drugi strani sta pogoja za oblikovanje mode: oboje izhaja iz dveh osnovnih človeških teženj – potrebe po družbenosti in potrebe po individualnosti
Lažni Valvasor nehote prispeva k razkritju usode zamolčanih pravih Valvasorjev: O dveh »izobčencih« Valvasorjeve rodbine iz srede 17. stoletja in o polihistorjevem čiščenju rodbinskega debla
No full textThe frauds that the false Jurij Sigmund Valvasor committed by sending letters to the Hanover and Polish Courts were the acts of a man of unknown name and origin, who, as a result, ended up in detention in 1714. The fraudster’s false claims of kinship with the family of Carniolan Barons of Valvasor immediately spurred an official investigation into his identity. Thus in Graz, the only local Valvasor, Gregor Ferdinand, an estates-of-the-realm gunsmith master, was interrogated. He knew nothing about the detained supposed relative; however, his brief answers to six questions unintentionally reveal precious facts about two real Carniolan Valvasors and their descendants. The first was his father Jurij Sigismund; the second his father’s cousin Janez Ditrih. The former was cousin and the latter brother of the famous polymath Janez Vajkard Valvasor (1641-1693). Until now, very little was known about the destiny of these two men: both married women of a lower class; this was opposed by their relatives, who made them leave Carniola. As a result, Janez Vajkard Valvasor omitted their descendants from the Valvasor family tree; he only made the laconic remark that they had left the province and proclaimed them deceased. It now turns out that their fate was sealed in the same year of 1657, that neither had gone far away and that their sons met accidentally in Graz at the beginning of the 18th century. Invaluable new data from a short statement of the gunsmith master Valvasor frin 1715 have helped connect the scarce facts into a mosaic. The facts about his family that Janez Vajkard Valvasor wanted to hide came to light with the help of a false Valvasor, a fraudster, who may have chosen his family name after the very polymath Valvasor.Prevare, ki jih je s pisanjem pisem na hannovrski in poljski dvor zagrešil lažni Jurij Sigmund Valvasor, so tega moža neugotovljenega imena in izvora leta 1714 privedle v pripor. Sleparjevo izmišljeno sklicevanje na sorodstvo z rodbino kranjskih baronov Valvasorjev je nemudoma sprožilo uradno poizvedovanje o njegovi identiteti. Tako so v Gradcu zaslišali edinega tamkajšnjega Valvasorja, deželnostanovskega puškarskega mojstra Gregorja Ferdinanda, ki ni vedel nič o domnevnem priprtem sorodniku, zato pa je v kratkih odgovorih na šest vprašanj nehote razkril dragocena dejstva o dveh pravih kranjskih Valvasorjih in njunem potomstvu. Prvi je bil njegov oče Jurij Sigmund in drugi očetov bratranec Janez Ditrih, sicer pa je šlo za bratranca in brata znamenitega kranjskega polihistorja Janeza Vajkarda Valvasorja (1641–1693). O njuni usodi je bilo doslej znanega zelo malo: oba sta se poročila z ženskama nižjega stanu, naletela s tem na ostro nasprotovanje sorodnikov in zapustila Kranjsko. Janez Vajkard Valvasor v rodovniku rodbine Valvasor zato ni upošteval njunega potomstva, ampak je zgolj lakonsko zapisal, da sta se izselila iz dežele, in ju označil kot pokojna. Zdaj se je izkazalo, da je bila usoda obeh zapečatena v istem letu 1657, da nobeden od njiju ni odšel daleč in da so se njuni sinovi v začetku 18. stoletja po naključju srečali v Gradcu. Dragoceni novi podatki v kratki izjavi graškega puškarskega mojstra Valvasorja iz leta 1715 so namreč omogočili povezati skromna dejstva v celoto. Kar je Janez Vajkard Valvasor o svoji rodbini hotel prikriti, je nazadnje pomagal razkriti lažni Valvasor, slepar, ki si je nemara prav po polihistorju nadel priimek Valvasor
Sotla, majhna voda: Reka Sotla kot naravna, politična in ideološka meja v 19. in začetku 20. stoletja
No full textThe author analyzes discourse about the river Sotla in Slovenian newspapers from the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. The Sotla river marked both the border between Styria and Croatia and that between the Austrian and Hungarian provinces. At the same time, it was the border between Slovenians and Croats. The first part of the article is dedicated to the problem of natural borders in history and geography. In the second part, newspaper articles are used to develop a thesis about the Sotla as a “natural border” between Slovenians and Croats. In the then-valid Slovenian value system, the Sotla was a river that connected and divided; however, it was a border that connected more than it divided. Slovenian and Yugoslav sentiments were an integral component of Slovenian national ideology; this is why Slovenian nationalists favored an alliance with Croats and an open border on the Sotla. They also emphasized the connective role of the Sotla in historical and ethnographic discourse. Despite a certain antipathy to the idea, Slovenian and Croatian patriots had to take into consideration the fact that the Sotla represented a strong state-political border within the Hapsburg Monarchy. In geopolitical discussions about the relationship between the Germanic and Slavic worlds, the Sotla represented the final frontier of direct German influence: the province of Styria was politically dominated by Germans. Although politicians often coopted it, the Sotla cared little about politics. The river flooded fields regardless of their owners’ political affinities; for this reason, the population demanded that it be regulated. However, regulation required cooperation with both the central authorities in Vienna and the Croatian authorities, resulting in long bureaucratic harmonization procedures. In the final section of the article, the author examines the Sotla river border from the point of view of everyday life: the close proximity of the neighboring province with a different legal and economic situation provided human resourcefulness with countless opportunities (trade, contraband and theft).Avtor prispevka analizira diskurz o reki Sotli v slovenskih časopisih v 19. in v začetku 20. stoletja. Sotla je bila mejna reka med Štajersko in Hrvaško in hkrati mejna reka med avstrijskimi deželami in deželami ogrske krone. Istočasno je veljala za mejo med Slovenci in Hrvati. V prvem delu prispevka se avtor posveti problematiki naravne meje v zgodovini in geografiji. V drugem delu na osnovi časopisnih virov razvije tezo o Sotli kot »naravni meji« med Slovenci in Hrvati. V slovenskem vrednostnem sistemu tistega časa je Sotla meja, ki povezuje in ločuje, oziroma, meja, ki bolj povezuje kot ločuje. Slovanstvo in jugoslovanstvo sta bila integralni del slovenske nacionalne ideologije, zato so slovenski nacionalisti zagovarjali zavezništvo s Hrvati in prehodnost meje na Sotli. Povezovalno vlogo Sotle so poudarjali tudi v zgodovinskem in etnografskem diskurzu. Čeprav na to niso gledali z naklonjenostjo, so morali slovenski in hrvaški patrioti računati s tem, da je bila na Sotli močna državno-politična meja znotraj habsburške monarhije
Grob v mongolski stepi: Kaj vemo o usodi nadporočnika Zagoričnika?
No full textThe article describes the hitherto unknown destiny of a Slovenian officer called Zagoričnik in China at the outbreak of World War I and the circumstances in which he died in Inner Mongolia. The article is based on a critical analysis of sources and literature in context of opposing geopolitical interests of great powers on the territory of China.Članek opisuje doslej neznano življenjsko usodo slovenskega častnika Zagoričnika na Kitajskem ob začetku prve svetovne vojne in okoliščine njegove smrti v Notranji Mongoliji. Prispevek temelji na kritični analizi virov in literature v kontekstu nasprotujočih geopolitičnih interesov velesil na ozemlju Kitajske
Meh za smeh: Damir Globočnik, Likovna satira: poglavja o karikaturi v slovenskih satiričnih listih. Ljubljana: Revija SRP /Svoboda, resnica, pogum/, 2013. 303 strani
No full text»Najboljša je pač voda«: Protialkoholno gibanje na Slovenskem v luči revije Piščalka in društva Abstinent
No full textAlcoholism was one of the most burning social problems in the 19th century. The first to declare a fight against it were the Catholic Church and bourgeois morality, which both saw it as a sin and as a moral failure on the part of the alcoholic. At the end of the 19th century, a different, scientific attitude prevailed, which saw alcoholism as a condition and alcohol as poison. This new understanding had a considerable impact on the contemporary anti-alcohol movement, which to a large extent had replaced the struggle for moderation and started to endorse complete abstinence. In Slovenia, the new view of alcohol and the problem of alcoholism established itself at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1905 the Piščalka (The Whistle) magazine was published, which treated alcoholism from a scientific point of view. It supported a complete abstinence from alcoholic drinks and declared alcohol to be poison. Its progressive views were met with resistance by conservative elements in the Catholic Church, followed by heated polemics between the “Whistlers” and the Franciscan Stanislav Škrabec. The plan of the then Slovene anti-alcohol fighters, of whom the large majority were still priests, to establish a network of antialcohol movements, however, did not come to fruition. They only founded the Abstinence Society under the leadership of Janez Evangelist Krek. Its members committed themselves to abstinence over a certain period of time. Through lectures and distribution of flyers and by holding social events, the society tried to dissuade Slovenes from consuming alcohol. However, in spite of their enthusiasm, they had no success. For financial reasons, the Piščalka ceased publication as early as 1906.Alkoholizem sodi med najbolj pereče socialne probleme 19. stoletja. Boj sta mu najprej napovedali katoliška Cerkev in meščanska morala, ki sta ga razumeli kot greh oz. moralni neuspeh alkoholika. Konec 19. stoletja pa se je uveljavil drugačen, znanstven pogled, ki je alkoholizem razumel kot bolezen, alkohol pa kot strup. To novo razumevanje je imelo velik vpliv tudi na sočasno protialkoholno gibanje, ki je v veliki meri opustilo zavzemanje za zmernost in začelo propagirati popolno abstinenco. Na Slovenskem se je nov pogled na alkohol in problem alkoholizma uveljavil v prvih letih 20. stoletja. Leta 1905 je tako začela izhajati revija Piščalka, ki je alkoholizem obravnavala z znanstvenega vidika. Propagirala je popolno odpoved uživanja vseh alkoholnih pijač, alkohol pa razglasila za strup. Njeni moderni pogledi so zadeli ob odpor konservativnih elementov v katoliški Cerkvi, kar je privedlo do ostre polemike med »piščalkarji« in frančiškanom Stanislavom Škrabcem. Načrti takratnih slovenskih protialkoholnih borcev, med katerimi so še vedno prevladovali duhovniki, po ustanovitvi široke mreže protialkoholnih gibanj se niso uresničili. Ustanovljeno je bilo le društvo Abstinent, ki ga je vodil Janez Evangelist Krek. Člani so se morali zavezati odpovedi uživanja alkoholnih pijač v določenem časovnem obdobju. Društvo si je preko predavanj, deljenja letakov in organizacije družabnih dogodkov prizadevalo Slovence odvrniti od uživanja alkohola. Kljub zavzetemu delovanju pa pravih uspehov ni bilo. Zaradi finančnih težav je Piščalka prenehala izhajati že leta 1906
