Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Grupa Agora – poszukiwanie drogi rozwoju
Get PDFThe transformation of Polish society and economy over the last two decades is also reflected in the process of the press market becoming mature. The segments of this market transform assuming a strong market economy character. New dominating players emerge representing both domestic and – increasingly often – foreign capital. The foundation and expansion of the Agora Group, the publisher of „Gazeta Wyborcza” inspires peculiar common interest (or even fascination). It is usually presented rather one-sidedly as a Polish version of an American „rags-to-riches” story. The organizational and financial aspect of the Group operations is usually neglected or oversimplified. This paper was written in the first quarter of 2004. It tries to show the publisher of „Gazeta Wyborcza” not with respect to its media mission but to its economic aspect. The management board of this business outlines and tries to implement a certain strategy. However, in doing so they apparently fail to avoid considerable errors and threats.The transformation of Polish society and economy over the last two decades is also reflected in the process of the press market becoming mature. The segments of this market transform assuming a strong market economy character. New dominating players emerge representing both domestic and – increasingly often – foreign capital. The foundation and expansion of the Agora Group, the publisher of „Gazeta Wyborcza” inspires peculiar common interest (or even fascination). It is usually presented rather one-sidedly as a Polish version of an American „rags-to-riches” story. The organizational and financial aspect of the Group operations is usually neglected or oversimplified. This paper was written in the first quarter of 2004. It tries to show the publisher of „Gazeta Wyborcza” not with respect to its media mission but to its economic aspect. The management board of this business outlines and tries to implement a certain strategy. However, in doing so they apparently fail to avoid considerable errors and threats
Akcja Wyborcza Solidarność – brak marketingu politycznego i medialnego jako jedna z przyczyn upadku
Get PDFAlthough the Solidarity Election Action (AWS) had been the first impressive attempt to unite right-wing groupings after 1989 which was effected in practice, it failed to develop a united, coherent image for the purpose of contacts with the media throughout the whole period it was in power. Reality showed that right-wing politicians failed to take advantage of the assets of the new grouping. Incompetence of its leaders and absence of a coherent policy quickly overshadowed the success of the Solidarity Election Action. As a consequence, Solidarity Election Action has wasted an enormous chance and failed to become a united group of the Polish right wing. Leaders of individual organizations composing the AWS did not give up their leaders’ ambitions, which became particularly significant towards the end of theAWS-UW(Solidarity Election Action – Liberty Union) coalition, when the right-wing block was eroding rapidly
Конфронтация „режима нормализации” и оппозиции в Чехословакии в конце 1980-х годов XX века
No full textThe paper refers to Russian and foreign archival documents, which became the basis for the analysis of relationships between the „party-and state authorities” and opposition in the Czech Republic in the late 80s of 20th century. State authorities with conservative bias demanded that the „normalization” regime be stricter whereas „pragmatists” were contemplating a dialogue with the opposition. After the events of November 17 for a very long time also the followers of „non-political politics” in the opposition considered a dialogue with the pragmatic faction of the state authorities whereas the radical wing representatives were calling for immediate free elections and establishment of democratic institutions of power. However, it was the upward movement, beginning with the student demonstration of November 17, 1989 and ending with mass demonstrations which gathered as many as 700,000 people in Prague in the end of November, that gave momentum to historic transformation in the Czech Republic as it came up with its own hierarchy of historical priorities different from that of numerous government and opposition circles. These activists who were able to adjust their former standpoint to social expectations enjoyed public support.W artykule, na bazie rosyjskich i zagranicznych archiwalnych dokumentów poddane zostały analizie relacje między „partyjno-państwowym kierownictwem” i opozycją w Czechosłowacji w końcu lat 80-tych. Konserwatywnie nastawieni przedstawiciele władz domagali się zaostrzenia reżymu „normalizacji”, natomiast „pragmatycy” brali pod uwagę dialog z opozycją. W opozycji zwolennicy „niepolitycznej polityki” też – do czasu wydarzeñ z 17 listopada, a także jeszcze długo po nich – brali pod uwagę dialog z nurtem pragmatycznym kierownictwa państwowego, natomiast zwolennicy radykalnego skrzydła domagali się natychmiastowego przeprowadzenia wolnych wyborów i formowania demokratycznych organów władzy. Ale właśnie ruch oddolny – począwszy od demonstracji studenckiej z 17 listopada 1989 roku i kończąc masowymi demonstracjami, gromadzącymi w Pradze w drugiej połowie listopada nawet po siedemset tysięcy uczestników nadawało w Czechosłowacji tempo przemianom historycznym, inaczej akcentując historyczne priorytety, niż to zakładały różne środowiska zarówno rządowe, jak i opozycyjne. Powodzeniem cieszyli się ci działacze, którzy, umieli skorygować swoje poprzednie stanowisko zgodnie ze społecznymi oczekiwaniami
Историк права Ф. В. Тарановский
No full textThe paper is devoted to the life and activities of an outstanding historian of law and state, F.W. Taranowski (1875–1936), a disciple of F. I. Leontiev. F.W. Taranowski graduated form the Warsaw University to become recognized as a researcher of German and French law of 18th century. He wrote numerous books on the theory and encyclopedia of law, including the famous handbook published in 1917 and reprinted in 1923. After the revolution of 1917 Taranowski emigrated to Yugoslavia. He lectured at the Belgrade University and he wrote several books and papers on the history of law of Southern Slavs.Artykuł jest poświęcony życiu i działalności wybitnego historyka prawa i państwa F. W. Taranowskiego (1875–1936), ucznia F. I. Leontiewa, F. W. Taranowski był absolwentem Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, uznanie zdobył jako badacz prawa niemieckiego i francuskiego XVIII wieku. Napisał szereg książek z dziedziny teorii i encyklopedii prawa, w tym słynny podręcznik, wydany w roku 1917 i ponownie w roku 1923. Po rewolucji 1917 roku Taranowski znalazł się na emigracji w Jugosławii. Wykładał na uniwersytecie w Belgradzie i napisał kilka książek i artykułów o historii prawa południowych słowian
Wizerunek kobiety w reklamie telewizyjnej
Get PDFThe transformation of a traditional attitude to the role of woman has become obvious in Poland. However, a stereotypical image of female nature is still retained despite the liberation laws introduced under the former political system. This is clearly reflected by commercial images. In order to win a potential customer, an advertising message must refer to his or her preferences, values and ideas. Therefore, if women are mainly occupied with household chores, this image is also reflected on TV. On the other hand, an increasing proportion of women have begun to realize their unequal status, they have obtained financial means to decide about their own life and choose a professional career, combined with having a family in which they are partners. These women are increasingly dissatisfied with a stereotypical image presented by advertising. As a consequence of the transformation, women are no longer shown in commercials as mothers and wives, but as independent consumers who decide what their needs are. Commercials will also have to acknowledge that women are not only preoccupied with their own bodies and are becoming consumers of the goods that have stereotypically been reserved for men.The transformation of a traditional attitude to the role of woman has become obvious in Poland. However, a stereotypical image of female nature is still retained despite the liberation laws introduced under the former political system. This is clearly reflected by commercial images. In order to win a potential customer, an advertising message must refer to his or her preferences, values and ideas. Therefore, if women are mainly occupied with household chores, this image is also reflected on TV. On the other hand, an increasing proportion of women have begun to realize their unequal status, they have obtained financial means to decide about their own life and choose a professional career, combined with having a family in which they are partners. These women are increasingly dissatisfied with a stereotypical image presented by advertising. As a consequence of the transformation, women are no longer shown in commercials as mothers and wives, but as independent consumers who decide what their needs are. Commercials will also have to acknowledge that women are not only preoccupied with their own bodies and are becoming consumers of the goods that have stereotypically been reserved for men
La politique de soutien au cinéma en France
Get PDFThe policy to support cinematography in France, which is the first film producer in Europe, has had long tradition. The film „industry” in its present form began after WWII, on the basis of an extensive financing system provided by three laws on supporting movies passed in 1948, 1953 and 1959. In 1946 the development of cinematography was vested with a special state administration body – National Center for Cinematography, supervised by the Ministry of Culture and Communication, which is still in control of this sector. The system of instruments comprised by the French cultural policy aiming both to protect and to promote this means of communication is extremely extensive. On the one hand television market plays a decisive role in the financial system of French cinematography as individual entities are obligated to transfer a part of its revenue for film making, and they are restricted with respect to the type and origin of the programs they broadcast, which indirectly are to increase interest in cinematography. On the other hand, French cinematography takes advantage of an extensive system of aid funds and guarantees, tax exemptions and subsidies at national, regional and EU level.Polityka wspierania kinematografii we Francji, będącej pierwszym producentem filmów w Europie, ma długą tradycję. Fundamentem rozbudowanego systemu finansowania „przemysłu” filmowego, który w swoim obecnym kształcie zaczął być tworzony po zakończeniu II wojny światowej, stały się trzy ustawy o pomocy dla kina z lat 1948, 1953 i 1959. W 1946 r. pieczę nad kinematografią powierzono specjalnemu organowi administracji państwowej – Narodowemu Centrum Kinematografii, działającemu pod nadzorem Ministerstwa Kultury i Komunikacji, które po dziś dzień sprawuje nadzór nad tym obszarem gospodarki. Zespół narzędzi francuskiej polityki kulturowej, mającej na celu ochronę, jak również wspieranie rozwoju tego środka przekazu jest niezwykle rozbudowany. Z jednej strony, decydujące znaczenie w modelu ekonomicznym francuskiej kinematografii odgrywa rynek telewizyjny, którego poszczególne podmioty mają obowiązek przekazywać część swoich dochodów na produkcję filmową oraz są poddane ograniczeniom co do rodzaju i pochodzenia emitowanych audycji, mającym wpływać pośrednio na wzrost zainteresowania kinem, z drugiej zaś, kinematografia francuska korzysta z rozbudowanego systemu funduszy pomocowych i gwarancyjnych, ulg podatkowych i subwencji zarówno na szczeblu narodowym, regionalnym, jak i unijnym
System prasowy Chorwacji
Get PDFThe press system in Croatia is among the youngest media systems in Europe. It is based on relatively peculiar constitutional provisions that make the right to rectification a principle. The Croatian system meets the requirements of a press system posed by the European Union and Community regulations. It comprises detailed provisions concerning the freedom of press, the principles of registration of press activity, the rights and obligations of journalists, rectifications and replies
Ruch Stu – alternatywa dla klasy politycznej powstałej w 1989 roku
Get PDFThe Movement of a Hundred (Polish: Ruch Stu) was to become an alternative for the political class that emerged after 1989. The whole political class was supposed to be substituted in a democratic manner by new people entering the political arena. The minimum political platform was to unite the activists of diversified political provenience. The Movement of a Hundred was to provide a new way of functioning for the political parties. The very naming of the party as the „movement”, that is a common activity of new people, was of significant importance itself. They were to introduce a new quality of politics and a new model of a politician. Current political events involved the Movement of a Hundred in a never-ending spiral of political elections. The two most important events were supporting Lech Wa³êsa before the presidential elections and the decision to join the structures of the AWS (Solidarity Election Action). The Movement of a Hundred was to be an alternative and novelty on the Polish political arena. However, it became a tiny, hardly observable, component of the right wing of the former political class. It was commonly known to have been incorporated by the old elite. The Movement of a Hundred adopted behavioral models that were typical of a former political class (including the conflicts between the leaders), as well as the heavily criticized faults (struggle for gaining influence in the AWS) that resulted in the collapse of the whole right wing in the next parliamentary elections