Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Przemiany demograficzne i procesy migracyjne w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim Federacji Rosyjskiej
Get PDFContemporary Russia is going through the most severe demographic crisis in her history. The situation is particularly adverse in the Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation, which borders Poland. Since 2007, its authorities have been implementing a special program to repatriate Russians from abroad. Up to 2012, 19,000 Russian settlers came to the Oblast, while the authorities had expected over 300,000 individuals. The reasons are deemed to be the relatively low earnings in the Oblast and its being an exclave.Contemporary Russia is going through the most severe demographic crisis in her history. The situation is particularly adverse in the Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation, which borders Poland. Since 2007, its authorities have been implementing a special program to repatriate Russians from abroad. Up to 2012, 19,000 Russian settlers came to the Oblast, while the authorities had expected over 300,000 individuals. The reasons are deemed to be the relatively low earnings in the Oblast and its being an exclave
Ukraiński ruch kobiecy – Femen
Get PDFThe subject of consideration in this paper is the feminist movement Femen, which emerged in Ukraine in the early 21st century. The movement came into being under post-Soviet conditions, where the protection of women’s rights was marginal in the activities of women’s organizations operating at the time. This common, spontaneous movement was mainly initiated by young women, who struggle against violence using their own bodies in happenings and performance events. Half-naked women resort to the tactics of sextremism, protesting against violence directed at women, sex tourism, male domination and objectification of women. Their naked bodies are frequently displayed during demonstrations, with the intention of addressing issues that are frequently ignored by the authorities when traditional forms of protest are used. There are few places in the world where such protests have not taken place so far. The activities have stirred considerable controversy and provoked a public debate on the discrimination of women. Oppressed by the Ukrainian authorities, Femen activists moved to France in 2013.The subject of consideration in this paper is the feminist movement Femen, which emerged in Ukraine in the early 21st century. The movement came into being under post-Soviet conditions, where the protection of women’s rights was marginal in the activities of women’s organizations operating at the time. This common, spontaneous movement was mainly initiated by young women, who struggle against violence using their own bodies in happenings and performance events. Half-naked women resort to the tactics of sextremism, protesting against violence directed at women, sex tourism, male domination and objectification of women. Their naked bodies are frequently displayed during demonstrations, with the intention of addressing issues that are frequently ignored by the authorities when traditional forms of protest are used. There are few places in the world where such protests have not taken place so far. The activities have stirred considerable controversy and provoked a public debate on the discrimination of women. Oppressed by the Ukrainian authorities, Femen activists moved to France in 2013
Referendum w opinii elit politycznych III RP
Get PDFThis draft was inspired by the intention to describe the attitude of the political elites of contemporary Poland to referendums at the national level. To this end, reference is made to the opinions voiced in the period 1989–2011. Consequently, the analysis spans the experience of twenty two years, which is a sufficient period to identify certain regularities. The surveys conducted indicate that Polish citizens have the right to participate in a referendum, but they do not have a right to referendum, that is to initiate a public vote. This shape of the legal foundations for national referendum is a consequence of the fact that political elites are inclined to apply this institution of direct democracy only provided that it is beneficial to them. Therefore, at the national level there is only a top-bottom referendum (supervised by the political elite). It appears that it contradicts the possibility of treating this institution of direct democracy as equal to representative forms of governance.This draft was inspired by the intention to describe the attitude of the political elites of contemporary Poland to referendums at the national level. To this end, reference is made to the opinions voiced in the period 1989–2011. Consequently, the analysis spans the experience of twenty two years, which is a sufficient period to identify certain regularities. The surveys conducted indicate that Polish citizens have the right to participate in a referendum, but they do not have a right to referendum, that is to initiate a public vote. This shape of the legal foundations for national referendum is a consequence of the fact that political elites are inclined to apply this institution of direct democracy only provided that it is beneficial to them. Therefore, at the national level there is only a top-bottom referendum (supervised by the political elite). It appears that it contradicts the possibility of treating this institution of direct democracy as equal to representative forms of governance
Teoria i praktyka celebrytyzacji politycznej. Celebryci polityczni w internetowych serwisach plotkarskich
Get PDFCelebrities are becoming a subject of growing interest for researchers and journalists. Studies on fame and popularity have become a separate research field with its own academic periodical. There are emerging books devoted solely to celebrities in the world of politics discussing the phenomenon of the increasing role of fame in modern politics, given the context of tabloidization, post-politics or the ‘entertainization’ of politics. Although the corpus of literature dealing with studies on political celebrities is increasing, this field continues to struggle with at least two fundamental issues. The first difficulty concerns the operational application of the concept of celebrity to describe the realm of politics. The second one concerns the limited number of empirical analyses of the phenomenon of political celebritization. The aim of this paper is to begin to fill this gap. The first part analyzes terminological difficulties concerning the concept of political celebrity. Next, the author suggests a new approach to this concept.Celebrities are becoming a subject of growing interest for researchers and journalists. Studies on fame and popularity have become a separate research field with its own academic periodical. There are emerging books devoted solely to celebrities in the world of politics discussing the phenomenon of the increasing role of fame in modern politics, given the context of tabloidization, post-politics or the ‘entertainization’ of politics. Although the corpus of literature dealing with studies on political celebrities is increasing, this field continues to struggle with at least two fundamental issues. The first difficulty concerns the operational application of the concept of celebrity to describe the realm of politics. The second one concerns the limited number of empirical analyses of the phenomenon of political celebritization. The aim of this paper is to begin to fill this gap. The first part analyzes terminological difficulties concerning the concept of political celebrity. Next, the author suggests a new approach to this concept
Rola służb specjalnych w demokratycznym państwie prawa
No full textThe name of special services is applied to the civil and military services that organize and conduct intelligence and counterintelligence activities. Their operations are an element generating social and political trust between the political authorities and citizens. Given the current conditions of international relations and the international situation, a state is required to have efficient special services at its disposal. Anegative impact of globalization on state functioning, both in its external and internal dimensions, forces Polish special services to strengthen their fundamental function, that is providing information. The weakness of military intelligence and counterintelligence follows from the dissolution in 2000 of the Military Intelligence Services (WSI), and wasting their potential for political reasons. The role and task of special services in a democratic state should be to protect the liberty and democracy of the political system’s principles, as set out in the Constitution, instead of protecting particular interests. The nature of the transformations occurring in security circles in Poland and related globalization processes, as well as civilizational, cultural and technological changes and the emergence of a civil society, demand a different attitude to the special services to be taken both by the public authorities and society, and make changes in their functioning necessary. This also calls for the need for a theoretical interpretation of the operations of modern Polish special services in a democratic state of law.The name of special services is applied to the civil and military services that organize and conduct intelligence and counterintelligence activities. Their operations are an element generating social and political trust between the political authorities and citizens. Given the current conditions of international relations and the international situation, a state is required to have efficient special services at its disposal. Anegative impact of globalization on state functioning, both in its external and internal dimensions, forces Polish special services to strengthen their fundamental function, that is providing information. The weakness of military intelligence and counterintelligence follows from the dissolution in 2000 of the Military Intelligence Services (WSI), and wasting their potential for political reasons. The role and task of special services in a democratic state should be to protect the liberty and democracy of the political system’s principles, as set out in the Constitution, instead of protecting particular interests. The nature of the transformations occurring in security circles in Poland and related globalization processes, as well as civilizational, cultural and technological changes and the emergence of a civil society, demand a different attitude to the special services to be taken both by the public authorities and society, and make changes in their functioning necessary. This also calls for the need for a theoretical interpretation of the operations of modern Polish special services in a democratic state of law.
Pamięć społeczna i polityka historyczna w programach polskich partii politycznych
No full textThe transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the‘Round Table’ resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for ‘control of the past’, of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian ‘models of historical policy’. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the‘Round Table’ resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for ‘control of the past’, of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian ‘models of historical policy’. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate
Rada Federalna i Prezydent Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Specyfika i ewolucja rozwiązań kreowania władzy wykonawczej
Get PDFSwitzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the ‘magical formula’ that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the ‘magical formula’ that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government
Rozwój public relations w krajach Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw
Get PDFThe paper outlines the emergence, development and the current status of the public relations sector in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) using the example of its evolution in three member states of the CIS: Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan. It discusses the specificity of the PR market that emerged after the collapse of the USSR in the three former republics that are most significant for this sector. The process of establishment of the first PR agencies, both domestic and the branches of the largest foreign agencies, is described. The paper discusses the problems the PR market faced and continues to struggle with in these three states. Additionally, the development of education in this field is presented, as well as the numerous obstacles that hinder this process in these countries.The paper outlines the emergence, development and the current status of the public relations sector in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) using the example of its evolution in three member states of the CIS: Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan. It discusses the specificity of the PR market that emerged after the collapse of the USSR in the three former republics that are most significant for this sector. The process of establishment of the first PR agencies, both domestic and the branches of the largest foreign agencies, is described. The paper discusses the problems the PR market faced and continues to struggle with in these three states. Additionally, the development of education in this field is presented, as well as the numerous obstacles that hinder this process in these countries
Tabloidyzacja programów informacyjnych na przykładzie wrocławskich stacji telewizyjnych
Get PDFWrocław is the capital city of one of the few Polish regions where regional and local terrestrial television stations compete with one another. The regional broadcaster is represented by a branch of public television, while the privately-owned Telewizja Dolnoślaska, a part of the Odra network, represents the local one. Both stations provide current affairs and journalistic programs. This paper is an attempt at a comparative analysis of the main news programs of Telewizja Wrocław (Fakty) and Telewizja Dolnośląska (Informacje). The analysis particularly focuses on the proportions of hard and soft news, which the author believes may be a confirmation of the tabloidization of the media. The comparison of the content presented by the two competing stations provides certain grounds, albeit limited, due to the scope of the analysis, to assess the state of regional and local television in Poland.Wrocław is the capital city of one of the few Polish regions where regional and local terrestrial television stations compete with one another. The regional broadcaster is represented by a branch of public television, while the privately-owned Telewizja Dolnoślaska, a part of the Odra network, represents the local one. Both stations provide current affairs and journalistic programs. This paper is an attempt at a comparative analysis of the main news programs of Telewizja Wrocław (Fakty) and Telewizja Dolnośląska (Informacje). The analysis particularly focuses on the proportions of hard and soft news, which the author believes may be a confirmation of the tabloidization of the media. The comparison of the content presented by the two competing stations provides certain grounds, albeit limited, due to the scope of the analysis, to assess the state of regional and local television in Poland