Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
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Ovid, ‘Metamorphoses’ 5,254–6,2, and the Terms for the Muses in Greek and Roman Culture
Full text linkEpithets used to describe the Muses are an essential component of metapoetic language, starting as early as the time of Homer and Hesiod. However, it has never been a static phenomenon, as the cultural transformations entailed the changes in the language describing the Muses. Its scope included physical appearance, ancestry, voice/sound, relations with the poet/musician and – a rather important aspect – geographical associations. Revealing traces of this imagery is not an easy task: we lack cult hymns, and in most literary works, we encounter merely 2–3 epithets at the most. In this respect, Ovid is exceptional. In his Metamorphoses (5,254–6,2), in the story of the contest between the Muses of Helicon and the false Pierides, the poet deploys a uniquely rich descriptive terminology concerning the Muses (Mnemonides, Thespiades, Aonides, Emathides, [Pierides], doctae sorores, etc.). In this article, I look at the poet’s choices in this story and analyze the origins, functions and connotations of the epithets and terms he uses.Epithets used to describe the Muses are an essential component of metapoetic language, starting as early as the time of Homer and Hesiod. However, it has never been a static phenomenon, as the cultural transformations entailed the changes in the language describing the Muses. Its scope included physical appearance, ancestry, voice/sound, relations with the poet/musician and – a rather important aspect – geographical associations. Revealing traces of this imagery is not an easy task: we lack cult hymns, and in most literary works, we encounter merely 2–3 epithets at the most. In this respect, Ovid is exceptional. In his Metamorphoses (5,254–6,2), in the story of the contest between the Muses of Helicon and the false Pierides, the poet deploys a uniquely rich descriptive terminology concerning the Muses (Mnemonides, Thespiades, Aonides, Emathides, [Pierides], doctae sorores, etc.). In this article, I look at the poet’s choices in this story and analyze the origins, functions and connotations of the epithets and terms he uses
Trojański palimpsest. Odniesienia intertekstualne w zakończeniu III księgi „Dziejów” Tacyta
Full text linkThe Trojan War or, more precisely, the sacking of Troy, plays an important role in the Roman cultural imagination and the crucial text dealing with these events, Vergil’s Aeneid II, has been used by various authors in various literary genres in order to build associations between their own subject matter and the fates of Priam, Hecuba, Aeneas etc. Thus, for example, the death of Agamemnon in Seneca’s tragedy of the same title bears a similarity to the death of Priam in the Aeneid; the two narratives are examined in the first part of the paper. In the main part of the paper, we move from Seneca to Tacitus; here, after a brief consideration of a passage from the account of the death of Galba (Hist. I 41, 3), there is a detailed discussion of one chapter from the end of Book III of the Histories (84). The chapter describes the Vitellian soldiers’ last stand against the Flavian army in Rome on December 20, AD 69 and Emperor Vitellius’ pathetic demise. The paper’s particular focus is on intertextual references which, so it seems, are introduced by Tacitus into his narrative to make his account of the last stage of the Roman Civil War of AD 68/69 more graphic and memorable; importantly, most of these references evoke the Trojan War and its aftermath. In particular, the following passages are analysed: (1) Tac. Hist. III 84, 2 ~ Verg. Aen. II 501–502; (2) Tac. Hist. III 84, 3 ~ Sall. Cat. 52, 3 + Eur. Hec. 568–570 (cf. Ov. Met. XIII 879–880; Fast. II 833–834); (3) Tac. Hist. III 84, 4 ~ Verg. Aen. II 755; (4) Tac. Hist. III 84, 5 ~ Verg. Aen. II 57–59.The Trojan War or, more precisely, the sacking of Troy, plays an important role in the Roman cultural imagination and the crucial text dealing with these events, Vergil’s Aeneid II, has been used by various authors in various literary genres in order to build associations between their own subject matter and the fates of Priam, Hecuba, Aeneas etc. Thus, for example, the death of Agamemnon in Seneca’s tragedy of the same title bears a similarity to the death of Priam in the Aeneid; the two narratives are examined in the first part of the paper. In the main part of the paper, we move from Seneca to Tacitus; here, after a brief consideration of a passage from the account of the death of Galba (Hist. I 41, 3), there is a detailed discussion of one chapter from the end of Book III of the Histories (84). The chapter describes the Vitellian soldiers’ last stand against the Flavian army in Rome on December 20, AD 69 and Emperor Vitellius’ pathetic demise. The paper’s particular focus is on intertextual references which, so it seems, are introduced by Tacitus into his narrative to make his account of the last stage of the Roman Civil War of AD 68/69 more graphic and memorable; importantly, most of these references evoke the Trojan War and its aftermath. In particular, the following passages are analysed: (1) Tac. Hist. III 84, 2 ~ Verg. Aen. II 501–502; (2) Tac. Hist. III 84, 3 ~ Sall. Cat. 52, 3 + Eur. Hec. 568–570 (cf. Ov. Met. XIII 879–880; Fast. II 833–834); (3) Tac. Hist. III 84, 4 ~ Verg. Aen. II 755; (4) Tac. Hist. III 84, 5 ~ Verg. Aen. II 57–59
Mityczny potwór Kampe w „Fasti” Owidiusza
Full text linkThe paper discusses Greek and Roman literary sources describing Campe or Kampe (Gk. Κάμπη), a mythical female monster killed by the god Dionysus (Diodorus, Bibl. III 72) or by Zeus (Ps.-Apollodorus, Bibl. I 2,1; Nonnos, D. XVIII 233–264). Campe was a large monster who guarded the Cyclopes and Hundred-Handers prisoned in Tartarus (according to Pseudo-Apollodorus and Nonnos). The same mythical monster seems to be attested in Ovid’s Fasti (III 793–808). The Roman poet presents an unknown version of the Greek myth, describing a wondrous monster (line 799: monstrum mirabile), born of Mother Earth (l. 799: Matre satus Terra). She is portrayed with the upper body of a bull and the tail of a serpent in place of legs (l. 799–800: taurus parte sui serpens posteriore fuit). Ovid does not mention the Greek or Latinized name of this mythical monster but introduces the acrostic CAMPH (= Gk. Κάμπη) in his description (Ov., Fast. III 797–801). Unfortunately, the Ovidian acrostic in question is preserved in the corrupted form CQMPH in most medieval manuscripts. It is suggested that the ancient editor, who prepared the final version of the six books of the Fasti after Ovid’s death (18 AD), failed to notice the Ovidian acrostic and introduced his own improvement in line 798 (quaeque instead of atque or the like).The paper discusses Greek and Roman literary sources describing Campe or Kampe (Gk. Κάμπη), a mythical female monster killed by the god Dionysus (Diodorus, Bibl. III 72) or by Zeus (Ps.-Apollodorus, Bibl. I 2,1; Nonnos, D. XVIII 233–264). Campe was a large monster who guarded the Cyclopes and Hundred-Handers prisoned in Tartarus (according to Pseudo-Apollodorus and Nonnos). The same mythical monster seems to be attested in Ovid’s Fasti (III 793–808). The Roman poet presents an unknown version of the Greek myth, describing a wondrous monster (line 799: monstrum mirabile), born of Mother Earth (l. 799: Matre satus Terra). She is portrayed with the upper body of a bull and the tail of a serpent in place of legs (l. 799–800: taurus parte sui serpens posteriore fuit). Ovid does not mention the Greek or Latinized name of this mythical monster but introduces the acrostic CAMPH (= Gk. Κάμπη) in his description (Ov., Fast. III 797–801). Unfortunately, the Ovidian acrostic in question is preserved in the corrupted form CQMPH in most medieval manuscripts. It is suggested that the ancient editor, who prepared the final version of the six books of the Fasti after Ovid’s death (18 AD), failed to notice the Ovidian acrostic and introduced his own improvement in line 798 (quaeque instead of atque or the like)
Afranius de sexagenariis de ponte deiciendis
Full text linkAn attempt to reconstruct the wording of Afran. Repudiatus fr. 8 Ribbeck and to establish its function in the comedy.An attempt to reconstruct the wording of Afran. Repudiatus fr. 8 Ribbeck and to establish its function in the comedy
Wieloznaczna semantyka czerni w „Metamorfozach” Owidiusza
Full text linkThe subject of this study is how and in what scope Ovid uses the terms of blackness (ater, niger, pullus, piceus, fuscus) occurring in Latin in his Metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to those places in the poem where this blackness enhances the dynamics of the situations described by the poet, gaining at the same time a specific axiological qualification, and also justifies through its presence the conventional use of the colour as an expression of mourning. This non-typical usage of the terms mentioned above leads to the conclusion that in this aspect of his poetic creativity, Ovid depicts the mythical reality he presents in an absolutely non-imitative manner, but rather full of at times surprising expressionistic colour associations.The subject of this study is how and in what scope Ovid uses the terms of blackness (ater, niger, pullus, piceus, fuscus) occurring in Latin in his Metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to those places in the poem where this blackness enhances the dynamics of the situations described by the poet, gaining at the same time a specific axiological qualification, and also justifies through its presence the conventional use of the colour as an expression of mourning. This non-typical usage of the terms mentioned above leads to the conclusion that in this aspect of his poetic creativity, Ovid depicts the mythical reality he presents in an absolutely non-imitative manner, but rather full of at times surprising expressionistic colour associations.The subject of this study is how and in what scope Ovid uses the terms of blackness (ater, niger, pullus, piceus, fuscus) occurring in Latin in his Metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to those places in the poem where this blackness enhances the dynamics of the situations described by the poet, gaining at the same time a specific axiological qualification, and also justifies through its presence the conventional use of the colour as an expression of mourning. This non-typical usage of the terms mentioned above leads to the conclusion that in this aspect of his poetic creativity, Ovid depicts the mythical reality he presents in an absolutely non-imitative manner, but rather full of at times surprising expressionistic colour associations.The subject of this study is how and in what scope Ovid uses the terms of blackness (ater, niger, pullus, piceus, fuscus) occurring in Latin in his Metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to those places in the poem where this blackness enhances the dynamics of the situations described by the poet, gaining at the same time a specific axiological qualification, and also justifies through its presence the conventional use of the colour as an expression of mourning. This non-typical usage of the terms mentioned above leads to the conclusion that in this aspect of his poetic creativity, Ovid depicts the mythical reality he presents in an absolutely non-imitative manner, but rather full of at times surprising expressionistic colour associations
Mikołaj Rej and his “Kupiec” and Religious Topics on the Polish Stage
Full text linkIm Beitrag versucht man die religiöse Thematik der ersten Phase polnischer Reformation in polemischen dramatischen Werken zu erläutern. Aus den zahlreichen Texten wurden nur zwei ausgewählt. Die Reformatorischen Strömungen wurden im von Mikołaj Rej verfassten Werk Kupiec (Kaufmann) deutlich vorgestellt. In der Tat ist Kupiec eine gelungene Überarbeitung des deutschen Werkes Mercator von Thomas Naogeorgus. Das polnische Werk ist viel größer und umfasst ca. 9000 Verse. Die katholische Seite wird von Vitusʼ Korczewski Werk Rozmowy polskie łacińskim językiem przeplatane (Polnische Dialoge mit Latein verflochtene) präsentiert. Beide Werke wurden in der Zeitspanne von vier Jahren veröffentlicht. In beiden fehlt es an genaue Regie- und Bühnenanweisungen, trotzdem haben diese Werke ein echtes Aufführungspotenzial. Die Rekonstruktion möglicher Aufführung bildet die Hauptfrage in diesem Beitrag. Andere, typisch theologische Frage, bezieht sich auf den Streit um die Rechtfertigungslehre. Sowohl diese als auch andere Forschungsfragen können leider nur teilweise beantwortet werden.The present paper focuses on the Polish religious polemic during the first phase of the Reformation period. Today we know only a few plays from this period. Fortunately, they do allow us, nevertheless, to analyse the main topic and to reconstruct their hypothetical staging.The present paper focuses on the Polish religious polemic during the first phase of the Reformation period. Today we know only a few plays from this period. Fortunately, they do allow us, nevertheless, to analyse the main topic and to reconstruct their hypothetical staging
Owidiusz w międzygatunkowej rozterce – „Amores” II 18
Full text linkElegy 18 from Book II of Amores, presented in the article in a new translation into Polish, explains why Ovid decided to abandon epic poetry and tragedy in favour of elegiac poetry. Although the poet jokingly points to Cupid, Corinna and his own laziness as the reasons, in fact, he shows that this literary genre is extremely attractive to authors who, like himself, writing about love can refer not only to personal experiences, but also to threads traditionally reserved for epics or tragedy. As evidence, Ovid invokes his Heroides and invites his friend, the poet Pompey Macer, to follow him in elegiac poetry. By recalling the works of Macer and Sabinus, Amores II 18 is also proof of the importance of friendship between the writers of the Augustan era, whose works bear visible traces of mutual influences and interactions.Elegy 18 from Book II of Amores, presented in the article in a new translation into Polish, explains why Ovid decided to abandon epic poetry and tragedy in favour of elegiac poetry. Although the poet jokingly points to Cupid, Corinna and his own laziness as the reasons, in fact, he shows that this literary genre is extremely attractive to authors who, like himself, writing about love can refer not only to personal experiences, but also to threads traditionally reserved for epics or tragedy. As evidence, Ovid invokes his Heroides and invites his friend, the poet Pompey Macer, to follow him in elegiac poetry. By recalling the works of Macer and Sabinus, Amores II 18 is also proof of the importance of friendship between the writers of the Augustan era, whose works bear visible traces of mutual influences and interactions
„Tecum per Romam ambulabamus”. Lekcje łaciny w esejach Micińskiego, Herberta, Krawczuka i Axera
Full text linkThe article has a complex structure. It begins with a brief overview of the teaching of Latin and its role in education. The main part of the article consists of analyses of essays containing descriptions of Latin lessons. The authors of the essays describe teachers and students, contrast past and present, talk about personal experiences, and show the role of Latin in contemporary culture. Latin not only described antiquity and the achievements of classical culture, but also formed the Polish language through its centuries–long presence in teaching systems. Krawczuk and Axer suggest that Latin improved morally, developed cognitively, and helped to better understand ancient literature and culture. Miciński and Herbert find in Latin lessons a moral signpost, humanism and a remedy forthe totalitarianisms of the 20th century.The article has a complex structure. It begins with a brief overview of the teaching of Latin and its role in education. The main part of the article consists of analyses of essays containing descriptions of Latin lessons. The authors of the essays describe teachers and students, contrast past and present, talk about personal experiences, and show the role of Latin in contemporary culture. Latin not only described antiquity and the achievements of classical culture, but also formed the Polish language through its centuries–long presence in teaching systems. Krawczuk and Axer suggest that Latin improved morally, developed cognitively, and helped to better understand ancient literature and culture. Miciński and Herbert find in Latin lessons a moral signpost, humanism and a remedy for the totalitarianisms of the 20th century
»Misere miser sum«. Die sprachliche Darstellung von Affekt und Emotionen junger Männer auf der Bühne der Palliata
Full text linkThis article examines the linguistic representation of strong emotions within Roman comedy using the character of the adulescens. The detailed linguistic analysis of scenes of the three young men Calidorus (Pseudolus), Diniarchus (Truculentus), and Lysiteles (Trinummus) focuses on lexicon, syntax, morphology, prosody, and imagery. As a rule, the characters name their feelings in the beginning and explain them in detail by means of metaphors. In addition, they make use of polymetric verse and typical stylistic elements that serve to increase the pathos of the expression, such as anaphoric enumerations, amplification, rhetorical questions etc. The analysis suggests that a specific combination of these features is used to represent emotions such as miseria, ira or desperatio within the text. A final look at Terence’s Andria and Adelphoe supports the results.This article examines the linguistic representation of strong emotions within Roman comedy using the character of the adulescens. The detailed linguistic analysis of scenes of the three young men Calidorus (Pseudolus), Diniarchus (Truculentus), and Lysiteles (Trinummus) focuses on lexicon, syntax, morphology, prosody, and imagery. As a rule, the characters name their feelings in the beginning and explain them in detail by means of metaphors. In addition, they make use of polymetric verse and typical stylistic elements that serve to increase the pathos of the expression, such as anaphoric enumerations, amplification, rhetorical questions etc. The analysis suggests that a specific combination of these features is used to represent emotions such as miseria, ira or desperatio within the text. A final look at Terence’s Andria and Adelphoe supports the results
Norwidowskie interpretacje chrześcijańskiego Seneki
Full text linkConnections with Christianity are one of the aspects of reflections on the life and work of Seneca the Younger in subsequent centuries. This issue is also revealed in the writings of Cyprian Norwid, a Polish 19th-century writer, artist and thinker. In point of fact, Norwid skipped other aspects related to Seneca. The themes he did touch on are connected with his historiosophical reflections and the problem of the relationship between Roma pagana and Roma Christiana, which was of particular interest to him. In the preserved writings of Norwid, however, references to Seneca are relatively rare, which was actually quite typical in the 19th century, but may also be related to a certain ambiguity in Seneca’s attitude as the tutor of Emperor Nero and a figure who enjoyed a high position in Rome for a long time or Norwid’s conviction that most of Seneca’s thought close to Christianity should simply be explained by the Roman writer’s stoicism. However, this is only a hypothesis. It is also possible that Norwid more often referred to Seneca the Younger than he literally noted it. Norwid referred, among other things, to the issue of alleged relations between Seneca and St. Paul and the apocryphal correspondence between them. He also referred to Seneca’s importance for the Church Fathers. Furthermore, he drew attention to some similarities between Seneca and Socrates in terms of their martyr deaths and to certain thoughts expressed by Seneca, in which one can perceive the idea of one God. Some of Norwid’s references to Seneca analysed here were inspired by such works devoted to Seneca’s Christianity as the article by Gaston Boissier, which was published in 1871 in the “Revue des Deux Mondes”. It is not exactly clear how well Norwid knew the work of Seneca, and to what extent he relied on the aforementioned studies. Undoubtedly, however, the references to Seneca, which he included in his writings, were carefully selected and were related to Norwid’s vision of history and his deliberations on the essence of truth, and thus they were not only a testimony of Norwid’s reading, but also of Norwid’s personal reflections.Connections with Christianity are one of the aspects of reflections on the life and work of Seneca the Younger in subsequent centuries. This issue is also revealed in the writings of Cyprian Norwid, a Polish 19th-century writer, artist and thinker. In point of fact, Norwid skipped other aspects related to Seneca. The themes he did touch on are connected with his historiosophical reflections and the problem of the relationship between Roma pagana and Roma Christiana, which was of particular interest to him. In the preserved writings of Norwid, however, references to Seneca are relatively rare, which was actually quite typical in the 19th century, but may also be related to a certain ambiguity in Seneca’s attitude as the tutor of Emperor Nero and a figure who enjoyed a high position in Rome for a long time or Norwid’s conviction that most of Seneca’s thought close to Christianity should simply be explained by the Roman writer’s stoicism. However, this is only a hypothesis. It is also possible that Norwid more often referred to Seneca the Younger than he literally noted it. Norwid referred, among other things, to the issue of alleged relations between Seneca and St. Paul and the apocryphal correspondence between them. He also referred to Seneca’s importance for the Church Fathers. Furthermore, he drew attention to some similarities between Seneca and Socrates in terms of their martyr deaths and to certain thoughts expressed by Seneca, in which one can perceive the idea of one God. Some of Norwid’s references to Seneca analysed here were inspired by such works devoted to Seneca’s Christianity as the article by Gaston Boissier, which was published in 1871 in the “Revue des Deux Mondes”. It is not exactly clear how well Norwid knew the work of Seneca, and to what extent he relied on the aforementioned studies. Undoubtedly, however, the references to Seneca, which he included in his writings, were carefully selected and were related to Norwid’s vision of history and his deliberations on the essence of truth, and thus they were not only a testimony of Norwid’s reading, but also of Norwid’s personal reflections