Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
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    294 research outputs found

    Greckie nazwy dużych zwierząt morskich w świetle relacji Eliana (O naturze zwierząt IX 49)

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    The paper analyzes chapter IX 49 of Aelian’s De natura animalium, devoted to the largest sea animals. It is accompanied by a Polish translation and appropriate comments. Aelian provides numerous Ancient Greek names for large sharks and sea mammals, including the “sea lion,” hammer-headed shark, “sea leopard”, whales, sawfish, malthe, “sea ram”, “sea hyena” and “sea dogs”. The names are explained from the point of view of semantic motivation; some new identifications of sea monsters are suggested as well.The paper analyzes chapter IX 49 of Aelian’s De natura animalium, devoted to the largest sea animals. It is accompanied by a Polish translation and appropriate comments. Aelian provides numerous Ancient Greek names for large sharks and sea mammals, including the “sea lion,” hammer-headed shark, “sea leopard”, whales, sawfish, malthe, “sea ram”, “sea hyena” and “sea dogs”. The names are explained from the point of view of semantic motivation; some new identifications of sea monsters are suggested as well

    Homary i homarce w świecie antycznym

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    Konrad Tadajczyk, Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak, Homary i homarce w świecie antycznym (European and Norway lobsters in the ancient world).The article describes the Greek and Latin names for ‘European lobster, Homarus gammarus L.’ and ‘Norway lobster, Nephrops norvegicus L.’. The present authors suggest that the European lobster was called λέων in Greek and leō in Latin. The Greek term ἀστακός (hence Lat. astacus) referred exclusively to the Norway lobster.Konrad Tadajczyk, Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak, Homary i homarce w świecie antycznym (European and Norway lobsters in the ancient world).The article describes the Greek and Latin names for ‘European lobster, Homarus gammarus L.’ and ‘Norway lobster, Nephrops norvegicus L.’. The present authors suggest that the European lobster was called λέων in Greek and leō in Latin. The Greek term ἀστακός (hence Lat. astacus) referred exclusively to the Norway lobster

    Łacina: powrót do przyszłości? Kilka refleksji nad łaciną i kwestiami literackimi w epoce digitalizacji

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    Vogt-Spira Gregor, Latin: Back to the Future? Some Reflections on Latin and Literacy in the Digital Age (Łacina: powrót do przyszłości? Kilka refleksji nad łaciną i kwestiami literackimi w epoce digitalizacji).This paper argues that Latin meets the challenges of this day and age so that its preservation actually has a well-founded place within European countries and societies. The argumentation starts by the observation that Latin gathers a number of additional values as an alterity training, a cognitive training, a linguistic training or a socially integrative effect, values, which are remarkably not bound to a specific culture. Above all, digitization and the modern cybernetic world is seen as a central challenge, digitization with its enormous quantitative increase in reading and writing activity also transforms the user profile in a way that complements it, a factor to which educational institutions have yet to come up with a conclusive response. Referring to this development, Latin has the particular significance of imparting the standards of an elaborate written form into the composition and decoding of texts. Furthermore, Latinity itself is considered to be one of the key factors that have shaped modern-day Europe, and the later Latin-language literature is seen to be a comprehensive component of each country’s respective national literature and culture. To conclude, the ancient European custom is brought into focus that, practically, antiquity serves as a vehicle for legitimizing modernization.Vogt-Spira Gregor, Latin: Back to the Future? Some Reflections on Latin and Literacy in the Digital Age (Łacina: powrót do przyszłości? Kilka refleksji nad łaciną i kwestiami literackimi w epoce digitalizacji).This paper argues that Latin meets the challenges of this day and age so that its preservation actually has a well-founded place within European countries and societies. The argumentation starts by the observation that Latin gathers a number of additional values as an alterity training, a cognitive training, a linguistic training or a socially integrative effect, values, which are remarkably not bound to a specific culture. Above all, digitization and the modern cybernetic world is seen as a central challenge, digitization with its enormous quantitative increase in reading and writing activity also transforms the user profile in a way that complements it, a factor to which educational institutions have yet to come up with a conclusive response. Referring to this development, Latin has the particular significance of imparting the standards of an elaborate written form into the composition and decoding of texts. Furthermore, Latinity itself is considered to be one of the key factors that have shaped modern-day Europe, and the later Latin-language literature is seen to be a comprehensive component of each country’s respective national literature and culture. To conclude, the ancient European custom is brought into focus that, practically, antiquity serves as a vehicle for legitimizing modernization

    Długie trwanie średniowiecza. „Descriptio Poloniae” z biblioteki w Tuchowie jako przykład trwałości form narracji kronikarskiej

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    The aim of the present article is to examine an 18th-century manuscript completed in the Benedictine Abbey in Tuchów. The basic problem is related to a narrative technique, which resembles a medieval one. Some modifications of the narration are also noticeable, but the work is mostly similar to medieval chronicles.The aim of the present article is to examine an 18th-century manuscript completed in the Benedictine Abbey in Tuchów. The basic problem is related to a narrative technique, which resembles a medieval one. Some modifications of the narration are also noticeable, but the work is mostly similar to medieval chronicles

    Parodie horacjańskie. Przekład siedmiu pieśni Macieja Kazimierza Sarbiewskiego

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    The paper proposes the translations into Polish of the following Latin odes composed by Mathias Casimir Sarbiewski: I 19 Urit me patriae decor, II 14 Diva, ventorum pelagique praeses, II 18 Reginam tenerae dicite virgines, I 26 Aurei regina, Maria, caeli, III 2 Cum tu, Magdala, lividam, IV 7 Iessea quisquis reddere carmina, IV 31 Vides, ut altum fluminis otium. All of the texts included in this collection are strongly related to imitating of Horatian lyrical discourse (parodia Horatiana). A short introduction and the most significant references to Horace’s odes and notes have been provided.The paper proposes the translations into Polish of the following Latin odes composed by Mathias Casimir Sarbiewski: I 19 Urit me patriae decor, II 14 Diva, ventorum pelagique praeses, II 18 Reginam tenerae dicite virgines, I 26 Aurei regina, Maria, caeli, III 2 Cum tu, Magdala, lividam, IV 7 Iessea quisquis reddere carmina, IV 31 Vides, ut altum fluminis otium. All of the texts included in this collection are strongly related to imitating of Horatian lyrical discourse (parodia Horatiana). A short introduction and the most significant references to Horace’s odes and notes have been provided

    Komediowa „Eneida”

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    Piętka Radosław, Komediowa „Eneida” (Comedy in Vergil’s Aeneid).The paper deals with the references – hypothetical and/or unquestionable – to comedy and comic conventions in the Aeneid of Vergil. Taking into consideration as many comic constituents as it is possible to retrieve from the Virgilian epic text, I would also like to try to answer the general question concerning supposed influence of these very constituents on the meaning of the whole text of the Aeneid.Piętka Radosław, Komediowa „Eneida” (Comedy in Vergil’s Aeneid).The paper deals with the references – hypothetical and/or unquestionable – to comedy and comic conventions in the Aeneid of Vergil. Taking into consideration as many comic constituents as it is possible to retrieve from the Virgilian epic text, I would also like to try to answer the general question concerning supposed influence of these very constituents on the meaning of the whole text of the Aeneid

    Dlaczego Owidiusz? Postmodernistyczne biografie alternatywne wielkiego poety

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    Article analyses a literary portrait of Publius Ovidius Naso in the novels Naso the Poet (1969) by Jacek Bocheński, An Inexplicable Story or the Narrative of Questus Firmus Siculus by Josef Škvorecky (1998) and The Last World. A Novel with an Ovidian Repertory by Christoph Ransmayr (1988). Article analyses a literary portrait of Publius Ovidius Naso in the novels Naso the Poet (1969) by Jacek Bocheński, An Inexplicable Story or the Narrative of Questus Firmus Siculus by Josef Škvorecky (1998) and The Last World. A Novel with an Ovidian Repertory by Christoph Ransmayr (1988).&nbsp

    Poemat Maryjny Michała Antoniego Hackiego

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    The poem of the Abbot of Oliwa Michał Hacki can be considered as a poetic Mariological treatise which emphasises the privilege of the Immaculate Conception, questioned by the Reformation. Hacki gives numerous metaphors and titles of Mary, systematises them, classifies them into thematic groups and explains their meaning. By doing so, he preserves the hierarchy of theological truths and Christocentrism.The poem of the Abbot of Oliwa Michał Hacki can be considered as a poetic Mariological treatise which emphasises the privilege of the Immaculate Conception, questioned by the Reformation. Hacki gives numerous metaphors and titles of Mary, systematises them, classifies them into thematic groups and explains their meaning. By doing so, he preserves the hierarchy of theological truths and Christocentrism

    Przekład i oryginał. Polska i francuska wersja osiemnastowiecznego dzieła apologetycznego

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    The author juxtaposes the little-known dialogue treatise of Jakub Zajączkowski’s Rozmowy filozoficzne (Philosophical Conversations, 1780) with its French prototype, Observations philosophiques (1771) by François Xavier de Feller. The works refer to the Pre-Enlightenment and Enlightenment philosophical and theological discussions in which issues in the field of natural science, geology, astronomy, and physics arise. The comparison yields some interesting conclusions.The author juxtaposes the little-known dialogue treatise of Jakub Zajączkowski’s Rozmowy filozoficzne (Philosophical Conversations, 1780) with its French prototype, Observations philosophiques (1771) by François Xavier de Feller. The works refer to the Pre-Enlightenment and Enlightenment philosophical and theological discussions in which issues in the field of natural science, geology, astronomy, and physics arise. The comparison yields some interesting conclusions

    Brzoskwinia (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) w antycznym i wczesnobizantyńskim lecznictwie według wybranych źródeł [I–VII w. n.e.]

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    The peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) is a tree native to the region known today as Northwest China, where its fruits were known around 2000 BC. Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Area came into contact with the peach probably between the 6th and 4th century BC thanks to the contacts with Persian Empire. In the western part of the Mediterranean Region the peach appeared later (ca. 1st c. AD). In the period under study there were many varieties of the peach, and they were eaten in many different ways – e.g. raw, dried, boiled etc. They could be consumed without any other ingredients, or as an element of more complicated dishes. Ancient and early Byzantine authors, who wrote their treatises between the 1st and 7th c. AD, and dealt with medicine (Dioscorides, Pliny the Elder, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Athimus and others), described dietetic properties of a peach with details. Moreover, they left some information about a medical use of this fruit. This aspect of their works is an element of a wider and well-known phenomenon, i.e. an important role of all groups of aliments in the ancient art of healing.The peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) is a tree native to the region known today as Northwest China, where its fruits were known around 2000 BC. Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Area came into contact with the peach probably between the 6th and 4th century BC thanks to the contacts with Persian Empire. In the western part of the Mediterranean Region the peach appeared later (ca. 1st c. AD). In the period under study there were many varieties of the peach, and they were eaten in many different ways – e.g. raw, dried, boiled etc. They could be consumed without any other ingredients, or as an element of more complicated dishes. Ancient and early Byzantine authors, who wrote their treatises between the 1st and 7th c. AD, and dealt with medicine (Dioscorides, Pliny the Elder, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Athimus and others), described dietetic properties of a peach with details. Moreover, they left some information about a medical use of this fruit. This aspect of their works is an element of a wider and well-known phenomenon, i.e. an important role of all groups of aliments in the ancient art of healing

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