Studia Rossica Posnaniensia
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Если искусство представляет собой ложь, способствующую приближению к истине, то возможно ли изучение русской литературы на фоне событий, произошедших в Буче?
No full textThe purpose of this article is to propose a reflection based on the question: “Is it possible to read Russian literature after the Bucha massacre?” This question gives rise to a number of reflections, firstly, on the relationship between war and literature, with reference to Theodor Adorno’s famous aphorism; secondly, on the immediate, not infrequent reaction of rejection of any cultural and artistic expression of a Russian nature, with the consequent links to the paradigms of “cancel culture”. On the basis of statements on the subject by Russian and Ukrainian writers, poets and scholars, as well as other interlocutors from Western cultures, an attempt will be made to propose an answer to the first question that is not only dictated by an instinctive impulse, but also by an articulated and, above all, motivated reasoning.The purpose of this article is to propose a reflection based on the question: “Is it possible to read Russian literature after the Bucha massacre?” This question gives rise to a number of reflections, firstly, on the relationship between war and literature, with reference to Theodor Adorno’s famous aphorism; secondly, on the immediate, not infrequent reaction of rejection of any cultural and artistic expression of a Russian nature, with the consequent links to the paradigms of “cancel culture”. On the basis of statements on the subject by Russian and Ukrainian writers, poets and scholars, as well as other interlocutors from Western cultures, an attempt will be made to propose an answer to the first question that is not only dictated by an instinctive impulse, but also by an articulated and, above all, motivated reasoning.The purpose of this article is to propose a reflection based on the question: “Is it possible to read Russian literature after the Bucha massacre?” This question gives rise to a number of reflections, firstly, on the relationship between war and literature, with reference to Theodor Adorno’s famous aphorism; secondly, on the immediate, not infrequent reaction of rejection of any cultural and artistic expression of a Russian nature, with the consequent links to the paradigms of “cancel culture”. On the basis of statements on the subject by Russian and Ukrainian writers, poets and scholars, as well as other interlocutors from Western cultures, an attempt will be made to propose an answer to the first question that is not only dictated by an instinctive impulse, but also by an articulated and, above all, motivated reasoning.The purpose of this article is to propose a reflection based on the question: “Is it possible to read Russian literature after the Bucha massacre?” This question gives rise to a number of reflections, firstly, on the relationship between war and literature, with reference to Theodor Adorno’s famous aphorism; secondly, on the immediate, not infrequent reaction of rejection of any cultural and artistic expression of a Russian nature, with the consequent links to the paradigms of “cancel culture”. On the basis of statements on the subject by Russian and Ukrainian writers, poets and scholars, as well as other interlocutors from Western cultures, an attempt will be made to propose an answer to the first question that is not only dictated by an instinctive impulse, but also by an articulated and, above all, motivated reasoning
Достоевский после Бучи
No full textThis article challenges the widespread intuition that Dostoevsky would have become a leading apologist for the current Russia-Ukraine war, and for contemporary Russian imperialism in general. Without downplaying Dostoevsky’s imperialistic and chauvinistic statements as found both in his literary and journalistic works, this article argues that they should be read in light of the more fundamental ethical idea-feelings from which they were derived. The physiognomy of today’s Russian imperialism and the circumstances of the current war make it highly improbable that Dostoevsky would have arrived at similar imperialistic political conclusions. It is more likely that his idea-feelings would have caused him to adopt a radical anti-war stance.This article challenges the widespread intuition that Dostoevsky would have become a leading apologist for the current Russia-Ukraine war, and for contemporary Russian imperialism in general. Without downplaying Dostoevsky’s imperialistic and chauvinistic statements as found both in his literary and journalistic works, this article argues that they should be read in light of the more fundamental ethical idea-feelings from which they were derived. The physiognomy of today’s Russian imperialism and the circumstances of the current war make it highly improbable that Dostoevsky would have arrived at similar imperialistic political conclusions. It is more likely that his idea-feelings would have caused him to adopt a radical anti-war stance.This article challenges the widespread intuition that Dostoevsky would have become a leading apologist for the current Russia-Ukraine war, and for contemporary Russian imperialism in general. Without downplaying Dostoevsky’s imperialistic and chauvinistic statements as found both in his literary and journalistic works, this article argues that they should be read in light of the more fundamental ethical idea-feelings from which they were derived. The physiognomy of today’s Russian imperialism and the circumstances of the current war make it highly improbable that Dostoevsky would have arrived at similar imperialistic political conclusions. It is more likely that his idea-feelings would have caused him to adopt a radical anti-war stance.This article challenges the widespread intuition that Dostoevsky would have become a leading apologist for the current Russia-Ukraine war, and for contemporary Russian imperialism in general. Without downplaying Dostoevsky’s imperialistic and chauvinistic statements as found both in his literary and journalistic works, this article argues that they should be read in light of the more fundamental ethical idea-feelings from which they were derived. The physiognomy of today’s Russian imperialism and the circumstances of the current war make it highly improbable that Dostoevsky would have arrived at similar imperialistic political conclusions. It is more likely that his idea-feelings would have caused him to adopt a radical anti-war stance
Czynniki stresogenne wśród studentów filologii rosyjskiej w kontekście aktualnej sytuacji geopolitycznej
No full textThe aim of this article is to identify the background as well as types of stressors and their impact on the acquisition of Russian as a foreign language by students of Russian Philology in the current geopolitical situation. Determining the causes of stress and the correlation between perceived stress level and academic achievement of students can help to identify areas that require support and indicate possible ways to improve the situation. Based on the conducted questionnaire survey, observation during classes and the literature on stress and its impact on the learning process, the author attempted to identify the most important internal and external factors causing academic stress and examined the influence of the current geopolitical situation and social determinants on the stress level experienced by Russian philology students. In addition, the degree of learners’ awareness of opportunities to reduce their stress levels was investigated. The results of the research made it possible to identify particularly common sources of stress and contributed to the identification of possible ways to reduce its level. Examples of stress reduction methods that are beneficial in language acquisition, good practices of institutional activities as well as interpersonal skills of the lecturers that can contribute to the improvement of the current situation are recommended.The aim of this article is to identify the background as well as types of stressors and their impact on the acquisition of Russian as a foreign language by students of Russian Philology in the current geopolitical situation. Determining the causes of stress and the correlation between perceived stress level and academic achievement of students can help to identify areas that require support and indicate possible ways to improve the situation. Based on the conducted questionnaire survey, observation during classes and the literature on stress and its impact on the learning process, the author attempted to identify the most important internal and external factors causing academic stress and examined the influence of the current geopolitical situation and social determinants on the stress level experienced by Russian philology students. In addition, the degree of learners’ awareness of opportunities to reduce their stress levels was investigated. The results of the research made it possible to identify particularly common sources of stress and contributed to the identification of possible ways to reduce its level. Examples of stress reduction methods that are beneficial in language acquisition, good practices of institutional activities as well as interpersonal skills of the lecturers that can contribute to the improvement of the current situation are recommended.The aim of this article is to identify the background as well as types of stressors and their impact on the acquisition of Russian as a foreign language by students of Russian Philology in the current geopolitical situation. Determining the causes of stress and the correlation between perceived stress level and academic achievement of students can help to identify areas that require support and indicate possible ways to improve the situation. Based on the conducted questionnaire survey, observation during classes and the literature on stress and its impact on the learning process, the author attempted to identify the most important internal and external factors causing academic stress and examined the influence of the current geopolitical situation and social determinants on the stress level experienced by Russian philology students. In addition, the degree of learners’ awareness of opportunities to reduce their stress levels was investigated. The results of the research made it possible to identify particularly common sources of stress and contributed to the identification of possible ways to reduce its level. Examples of stress reduction methods that are beneficial in language acquisition, good practices of institutional activities as well as interpersonal skills of the lecturers that can contribute to the improvement of the current situation are recommended.The aim of this article is to identify the background as well as types of stressors and their impact on the acquisition of Russian as a foreign language by students of Russian Philology in the current geopolitical situation. Determining the causes of stress and the correlation between perceived stress level and academic achievement of students can help to identify areas that require support and indicate possible ways to improve the situation. Based on the conducted questionnaire survey, observation during classes and the literature on stress and its impact on the learning process, the author attempted to identify the most important internal and external factors causing academic stress and examined the influence of the current geopolitical situation and social determinants on the stress level experienced by Russian philology students. In addition, the degree of learners’ awareness of opportunities to reduce their stress levels was investigated. The results of the research made it possible to identify particularly common sources of stress and contributed to the identification of possible ways to reduce its level. Examples of stress reduction methods that are beneficial in language acquisition, good practices of institutional activities as well as interpersonal skills of the lecturers that can contribute to the improvement of the current situation are recommended
Hate speech в российских средствах массовой информации на современном этапе
No full textIt is beyond dispute that Russian aggression against Ukraine is also discernible at the linguistic level. In the context of military operations, any state engaged in aggressive behaviour will seek to disseminate propaganda that expresses hatred towards the target state. In the aforementioned case, it employs a moderate form of this type of discourse at the official level. Concurrently, a society that is prepared to disseminate hate speech reproduces in other forms. This article presents a comprehensive evaluation of the manifestation of hatred in Russian state media, with a detailed examination of this phenomenon in the comments of ordinary users. The content of these comments is entirely consistent with the key tenets of Russian propaganda, which have long held a prominent position in the country’s information landscape. The objective of this study is to identify the primary thematic domains and linguistic techniques employed in hate speech in Russian media, with illustrative examples provided.It is beyond dispute that Russian aggression against Ukraine is also discernible at the linguistic level. In the context of military operations, any state engaged in aggressive behaviour will seek to disseminate propaganda that expresses hatred towards the target state. In the aforementioned case, it employs a moderate form of this type of discourse at the official level. Concurrently, a society that is prepared to disseminate hate speech reproduces in other forms. This article presents a comprehensive evaluation of the manifestation of hatred in Russian state media, with a detailed examination of this phenomenon in the comments of ordinary users. The content of these comments is entirely consistent with the key tenets of Russian propaganda, which have long held a prominent position in the country’s information landscape. The objective of this study is to identify the primary thematic domains and linguistic techniques employed in hate speech in Russian media, with illustrative examples provided.It is beyond dispute that Russian aggression against Ukraine is also discernible at the linguistic level. In the context of military operations, any state engaged in aggressive behaviour will seek to disseminate propaganda that expresses hatred towards the target state. In the aforementioned case, it employs a moderate form of this type of discourse at the official level. Concurrently, a society that is prepared to disseminate hate speech reproduces in other forms. This article presents a comprehensive evaluation of the manifestation of hatred in Russian state media, with a detailed examination of this phenomenon in the comments of ordinary users. The content of these comments is entirely consistent with the key tenets of Russian propaganda, which have long held a prominent position in the country’s information landscape. The objective of this study is to identify the primary thematic domains and linguistic techniques employed in hate speech in Russian media, with illustrative examples provided.It is beyond dispute that Russian aggression against Ukraine is also discernible at the linguistic level. In the context of military operations, any state engaged in aggressive behaviour will seek to disseminate propaganda that expresses hatred towards the target state. In the aforementioned case, it employs a moderate form of this type of discourse at the official level. Concurrently, a society that is prepared to disseminate hate speech reproduces in other forms. This article presents a comprehensive evaluation of the manifestation of hatred in Russian state media, with a detailed examination of this phenomenon in the comments of ordinary users. The content of these comments is entirely consistent with the key tenets of Russian propaganda, which have long held a prominent position in the country’s information landscape. The objective of this study is to identify the primary thematic domains and linguistic techniques employed in hate speech in Russian media, with illustrative examples provided
Некоторые наблюдения о новой эмиграции: образ, практики, тексты
No full textThis article examines the emergence of a new Russian émigré community following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It explores several ways of how this wave of emigration constructs its collective identity through cultural practices and discourse, mostly drawing on parallels with historical emigration waves. The research highlights the discursive construction of émigré self-perception, emphasizing its moral and cultural opposition to the political climate in Russia. This opposition also functions as a strategy for self-legitimization and adaptation in host societies. The study investigates the role of literature, media, and institutional structures within the new émigré community, particularly the emergence of a new “tamizdat”. Key arguments include the instrumentalization of historical analogies, the evolution of émigré discourse, and the interplay between ethical, aesthetic, and political dimensions. The article concludes that this new emigration is not merely a demographic and political phenomenon but also a discursive one, shaping narratives of cultural exile.This article examines the emergence of a new Russian émigré community following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It explores several ways of how this wave of emigration constructs its collective identity through cultural practices and discourse, mostly drawing on parallels with historical emigration waves. The research highlights the discursive construction of émigré self-perception, emphasizing its moral and cultural opposition to the political climate in Russia. This opposition also functions as a strategy for self-legitimization and adaptation in host societies. The study investigates the role of literature, media, and institutional structures within the new émigré community, particularly the emergence of a new “tamizdat”. Key arguments include the instrumentalization of historical analogies, the evolution of émigré discourse, and the interplay between ethical, aesthetic, and political dimensions. The article concludes that this new emigration is not merely a demographic and political phenomenon but also a discursive one, shaping narratives of cultural exile.This article examines the emergence of a new Russian émigré community following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It explores several ways of how this wave of emigration constructs its collective identity through cultural practices and discourse, mostly drawing on parallels with historical emigration waves. The research highlights the discursive construction of émigré self-perception, emphasizing its moral and cultural opposition to the political climate in Russia. This opposition also functions as a strategy for self-legitimization and adaptation in host societies. The study investigates the role of literature, media, and institutional structures within the new émigré community, particularly the emergence of a new “tamizdat”. Key arguments include the instrumentalization of historical analogies, the evolution of émigré discourse, and the interplay between ethical, aesthetic, and political dimensions. The article concludes that this new emigration is not merely a demographic and political phenomenon but also a discursive one, shaping narratives of cultural exile.This article examines the emergence of a new Russian émigré community following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It explores several ways of how this wave of emigration constructs its collective identity through cultural practices and discourse, mostly drawing on parallels with historical emigration waves. The research highlights the discursive construction of émigré self-perception, emphasizing its moral and cultural opposition to the political climate in Russia. This opposition also functions as a strategy for self-legitimization and adaptation in host societies. The study investigates the role of literature, media, and institutional structures within the new émigré community, particularly the emergence of a new “tamizdat”. Key arguments include the instrumentalization of historical analogies, the evolution of émigré discourse, and the interplay between ethical, aesthetic, and political dimensions. The article concludes that this new emigration is not merely a demographic and political phenomenon but also a discursive one, shaping narratives of cultural exile
О социально-стилевой девиации президентского дискурса
No full textThe article studies the phenomenon of socio-stylistic deviation of the classical presidential discourse demonstrated in vulgarization and invectivization of the normative communication language of Russian Federation president on national and international levels of interaction. The author used linguopragmatic and sociolinguistic methods, as well as elements of content analysis, to investigate the presidential public discourse deviation. The invective function aimed at offence, humiliation and ridicule of the opponents by the speaker in partisan competition or in the opposition on the international level is realized by Vladimir Putin in the deviant usus of president’s discourse via switching over to a profane language employing the methods of political trolling, obscene words, invective paralinguistic means, etc. The purpose of conscious degradation of the institutional level of presidential discourse may be in an effort to attract the provincial voters to one’s side in a current presidential or parliamentary election campaign. However, our results of analysis show that the expressiveness of argotic lexemes in presidential discourse can cause negative associations and create images of similarities between political life and the actions of politicians and the world of crime.The article studies the phenomenon of socio-stylistic deviation of the classical presidential discourse demonstrated in vulgarization and invectivization of the normative communication language of Russian Federation president on national and international levels of interaction. The author used linguopragmatic and sociolinguistic methods, as well as elements of content analysis, to investigate the presidential public discourse deviation. The invective function aimed at offence, humiliation and ridicule of the opponents by the speaker in partisan competition or in the opposition on the international level is realized by Vladimir Putin in the deviant usus of president’s discourse via switching over to a profane language employing the methods of political trolling, obscene words, invective paralinguistic means, etc. The purpose of conscious degradation of the institutional level of presidential discourse may be in an effort to attract the provincial voters to one’s side in a current presidential or parliamentary election campaign. However, our results of analysis show that the expressiveness of argotic lexemes in presidential discourse can cause negative associations and create images of similarities between political life and the actions of politicians and the world of crime.The article studies the phenomenon of socio-stylistic deviation of the classical presidential discourse demonstrated in vulgarization and invectivization of the normative communication language of Russian Federation president on national and international levels of interaction. The author used linguopragmatic and sociolinguistic methods, as well as elements of content analysis, to investigate the presidential public discourse deviation. The invective function aimed at offence, humiliation and ridicule of the opponents by the speaker in partisan competition or in the opposition on the international level is realized by Vladimir Putin in the deviant usus of president’s discourse via switching over to a profane language employing the methods of political trolling, obscene words, invective paralinguistic means, etc. The purpose of conscious degradation of the institutional level of presidential discourse may be in an effort to attract the provincial voters to one’s side in a current presidential or parliamentary election campaign. However, our results of analysis show that the expressiveness of argotic lexemes in presidential discourse can cause negative associations and create images of similarities between political life and the actions of politicians and the world of crime.The article studies the phenomenon of socio-stylistic deviation of the classical presidential discourse demonstrated in vulgarization and invectivization of the normative communication language of Russian Federation president on national and international levels of interaction. The author used linguopragmatic and sociolinguistic methods, as well as elements of content analysis, to investigate the presidential public discourse deviation. The invective function aimed at offence, humiliation and ridicule of the opponents by the speaker in partisan competition or in the opposition on the international level is realized by Vladimir Putin in the deviant usus of president’s discourse via switching over to a profane language employing the methods of political trolling, obscene words, invective paralinguistic means, etc. The purpose of conscious degradation of the institutional level of presidential discourse may be in an effort to attract the provincial voters to one’s side in a current presidential or parliamentary election campaign. However, our results of analysis show that the expressiveness of argotic lexemes in presidential discourse can cause negative associations and create images of similarities between political life and the actions of politicians and the world of crime
Экзистенциальный трагизм мигрантов в нарративах Федора Степуна
No full textModern researchers, analyzing the paradigms of global migration processes, focus on the brilliant creative legacy of Fyodor Stepun, a representative of Russian cultural emigration, a religious philosopher, sociologist and publicist, who reflected in his narratives the migration experience of an entire generation. The reasons for the increased demand for Stepun’s philosophical research lie in the philosophical analysis of the existential crisis of a migrating person, which is consonant with today’s realities. Stepun’s thought configurations from the disciplines accompanying philosophy – political science, anthropology, sociology and psychology – are reliably woven into his literary works, the concepts of which strengthen the platform of historiosophical beliefs. Within the framework of the article, the author brings to the forefront a philosophical analysis of the causes of the existential crisis of migrants, as well as meaningful factors in the predictability of migrants’ behavior in the struggle to preserve their national identity in a foreign world.Modern researchers, analyzing the paradigms of global migration processes, focus on the brilliant creative legacy of Fyodor Stepun, a representative of Russian cultural emigration, a religious philosopher, sociologist and publicist, who reflected in his narratives the migration experience of an entire generation. The reasons for the increased demand for Stepun’s philosophical research lie in the philosophical analysis of the existential crisis of a migrating person, which is consonant with today’s realities. Stepun’s thought configurations from the disciplines accompanying philosophy – political science, anthropology, sociology and psychology – are reliably woven into his literary works, the concepts of which strengthen the platform of historiosophical beliefs. Within the framework of the article, the author brings to the forefront a philosophical analysis of the causes of the existential crisis of migrants, as well as meaningful factors in the predictability of migrants’ behavior in the struggle to preserve their national identity in a foreign world.Modern researchers, analyzing the paradigms of global migration processes, focus on the brilliant creative legacy of Fyodor Stepun, a representative of Russian cultural emigration, a religious philosopher, sociologist and publicist, who reflected in his narratives the migration experience of an entire generation. The reasons for the increased demand for Stepun’s philosophical research lie in the philosophical analysis of the existential crisis of a migrating person, which is consonant with today’s realities. Stepun’s thought configurations from the disciplines accompanying philosophy – political science, anthropology, sociology and psychology – are reliably woven into his literary works, the concepts of which strengthen the platform of historiosophical beliefs. Within the framework of the article, the author brings to the forefront a philosophical analysis of the causes of the existential crisis of migrants, as well as meaningful factors in the predictability of migrants’ behavior in the struggle to preserve their national identity in a foreign world.Modern researchers, analyzing the paradigms of global migration processes, focus on the brilliant creative legacy of Fyodor Stepun, a representative of Russian cultural emigration, a religious philosopher, sociologist and publicist, who reflected in his narratives the migration experience of an entire generation. The reasons for the increased demand for Stepun’s philosophical research lie in the philosophical analysis of the existential crisis of a migrating person, which is consonant with today’s realities. Stepun’s thought configurations from the disciplines accompanying philosophy – political science, anthropology, sociology and psychology – are reliably woven into his literary works, the concepts of which strengthen the platform of historiosophical beliefs. Within the framework of the article, the author brings to the forefront a philosophical analysis of the causes of the existential crisis of migrants, as well as meaningful factors in the predictability of migrants’ behavior in the struggle to preserve their national identity in a foreign world
Nokautowanie obywateli. Kultura przemocy w Rosji i jej reprezentacja w utworze Natalii Kluczariowej Wagon Rosja
No full textThe purpose of this article is to analyse and interpret Natalia Klyucharyova’s work Wagon Russia (Россия общий вагон, 2007), in which the writer creates an image of state violence against citizens, especially the most vulnerable, i.e. single mothers, injured veterans, the elderly, people belonging to sexual minorities. The description focuses on forms of economic, structural and symbolic violence. These take the form of, for example, the failure of the state and its subordinate institutions to perform the function of caring for the elderly, the lonely, war veterans; excessive bureaucratisation of life; officials avoiding responsibility for the consequences of their decisions; inappropriate distribution of public funds; infringement of individual autonomy; infiltration of selected social groups; isolation and ridicule of those critical of the system. The authorities use media systems and social institutions for their actions, which impose a specific model of functioning on the citizen, fostering victimisation and consolidation of aggressive patterns in the group, causing fear and an increased sense of powerlessness. Violence is therefore becoming the dominant way in which politicians communicate with the public.The purpose of this article is to analyse and interpret Natalia Klyucharyova’s work Wagon Russia (Россия общий вагон, 2007), in which the writer creates an image of state violence against citizens, especially the most vulnerable, i.e. single mothers, injured veterans, the elderly, people belonging to sexual minorities. The description focuses on forms of economic, structural and symbolic violence. These take the form of, for example, the failure of the state and its subordinate institutions to perform the function of caring for the elderly, the lonely, war veterans; excessive bureaucratisation of life; officials avoiding responsibility for the consequences of their decisions; inappropriate distribution of public funds; infringement of individual autonomy; infiltration of selected social groups; isolation and ridicule of those critical of the system. The authorities use media systems and social institutions for their actions, which impose a specific model of functioning on the citizen, fostering victimisation and consolidation of aggressive patterns in the group, causing fear and an increased sense of powerlessness. Violence is therefore becoming the dominant way in which politicians communicate with the public.The purpose of this article is to analyse and interpret Natalia Klyucharyova’s work Wagon Russia (Россия общий вагон, 2007), in which the writer creates an image of state violence against citizens, especially the most vulnerable, i.e. single mothers, injured veterans, the elderly, people belonging to sexual minorities. The description focuses on forms of economic, structural and symbolic violence. These take the form of, for example, the failure of the state and its subordinate institutions to perform the function of caring for the elderly, the lonely, war veterans; excessive bureaucratisation of life; officials avoiding responsibility for the consequences of their decisions; inappropriate distribution of public funds; infringement of individual autonomy; infiltration of selected social groups; isolation and ridicule of those critical of the system. The authorities use media systems and social institutions for their actions, which impose a specific model of functioning on the citizen, fostering victimisation and consolidation of aggressive patterns in the group, causing fear and an increased sense of powerlessness. Violence is therefore becoming the dominant way in which politicians communicate with the public.The purpose of this article is to analyse and interpret Natalia Klyucharyova’s work Wagon Russia (Россия общий вагон, 2007), in which the writer creates an image of state violence against citizens, especially the most vulnerable, i.e. single mothers, injured veterans, the elderly, people belonging to sexual minorities. The description focuses on forms of economic, structural and symbolic violence. These take the form of, for example, the failure of the state and its subordinate institutions to perform the function of caring for the elderly, the lonely, war veterans; excessive bureaucratisation of life; officials avoiding responsibility for the consequences of their decisions; inappropriate distribution of public funds; infringement of individual autonomy; infiltration of selected social groups; isolation and ridicule of those critical of the system. The authorities use media systems and social institutions for their actions, which impose a specific model of functioning on the citizen, fostering victimisation and consolidation of aggressive patterns in the group, causing fear and an increased sense of powerlessness. Violence is therefore becoming the dominant way in which politicians communicate with the public
Звездочки в Сатурне: семиотическая война в России и в Советском Союзе
No full textAnti-war opposition in today’s Russia is often conveyed by encoded graffiti or billboards – a girl was even arrested for showing a blank piece of paper. Everybody, anyway, perfectly understands what is written on a white sheet. To understand the reason we have to look back at the late-soviet times: “Aesopian language” was then so widespread, that people used to catch allegories even where the author did not have the least intention. This can be clearly observed in the history of the Soviet spy-thriller, where in books by the most loyal of authors it is hard not to catch hidden contestant messages: the case of Vasilii Ardamatskii is emblematic. Was “Aesopian language” really a means to make such messages pass behind the eye of the censor? Or, in other words, did the struggle concern the control of the production of messages or rather that of their reception? Soviet power itself often recurred to allegories (what is now commonly called Newspeak): does it mean that the system itself carried the seeds of its own destruction? The opinion exists, on the other hand, that the situation worked in fact for the system: people did not have to believe in what they said, they just had to be taught to lie. If this is true, “Aesopian language” ultimately works for those in power. “Aesopian language” works, as a matter of fact, rather as art does: its concern is a criticism of language, therefore – of the power’s linguistic practices.Anti-war opposition in today’s Russia is often conveyed by encoded graffiti or billboards – a girl was even arrested for showing a blank piece of paper. Everybody, anyway, perfectly understands what is written on a white sheet. To understand the reason we have to look back at the late-soviet times: “Aesopian language” was then so widespread, that people used to catch allegories even where the author did not have the least intention. This can be clearly observed in the history of the Soviet spy-thriller, where in books by the most loyal of authors it is hard not to catch hidden contestant messages: the case of Vasilii Ardamatskii is emblematic. Was “Aesopian language” really a means to make such messages pass behind the eye of the censor? Or, in other words, did the struggle concern the control of the production of messages or rather that of their reception? Soviet power itself often recurred to allegories (what is now commonly called Newspeak): does it mean that the system itself carried the seeds of its own destruction? The opinion exists, on the other hand, that the situation worked in fact for the system: people did not have to believe in what they said, they just had to be taught to lie. If this is true, “Aesopian language” ultimately works for those in power. “Aesopian language” works, as a matter of fact, rather as art does: its concern is a criticism of language, therefore – of the power’s linguistic practices.Anti-war opposition in today’s Russia is often conveyed by encoded graffiti or billboards – a girl was even arrested for showing a blank piece of paper. Everybody, anyway, perfectly understands what is written on a white sheet. To understand the reason we have to look back at the late-soviet times: “Aesopian language” was then so widespread, that people used to catch allegories even where the author did not have the least intention. This can be clearly observed in the history of the Soviet spy-thriller, where in books by the most loyal of authors it is hard not to catch hidden contestant messages: the case of Vasilii Ardamatskii is emblematic. Was “Aesopian language” really a means to make such messages pass behind the eye of the censor? Or, in other words, did the struggle concern the control of the production of messages or rather that of their reception? Soviet power itself often recurred to allegories (what is now commonly called Newspeak): does it mean that the system itself carried the seeds of its own destruction? The opinion exists, on the other hand, that the situation worked in fact for the system: people did not have to believe in what they said, they just had to be taught to lie. If this is true, “Aesopian language” ultimately works for those in power. “Aesopian language” works, as a matter of fact, rather as art does: its concern is a criticism of language, therefore – of the power’s linguistic practices.Anti-war opposition in today’s Russia is often conveyed by encoded graffiti or billboards – a girl was even arrested for showing a blank piece of paper. Everybody, anyway, perfectly understands what is written on a white sheet. To understand the reason we have to look back at the late-soviet times: “Aesopian language” was then so widespread, that people used to catch allegories even where the author did not have the least intention. This can be clearly observed in the history of the Soviet spy-thriller, where in books by the most loyal of authors it is hard not to catch hidden contestant messages: the case of Vasilii Ardamatskii is emblematic. Was “Aesopian language” really a means to make such messages pass behind the eye of the censor? Or, in other words, did the struggle concern the control of the production of messages or rather that of their reception? Soviet power itself often recurred to allegories (what is now commonly called Newspeak): does it mean that the system itself carried the seeds of its own destruction? The opinion exists, on the other hand, that the situation worked in fact for the system: people did not have to believe in what they said, they just had to be taught to lie. If this is true, “Aesopian language” ultimately works for those in power. “Aesopian language” works, as a matter of fact, rather as art does: its concern is a criticism of language, therefore – of the power’s linguistic practices