Przegląd Strategiczny
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The Iranian Foreign Policyin the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change
Get PDFAlthough Iran borders with many states and has direct access to the Caspian Sea as well as the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf region seems to be the most vital area to its security and prosperity. Yet since the 70’s Iran’s relations with the Arab states in the region have been rather strained and complex. The main reason for that had been the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979 which later resulted in a new dimension of Sunni-Shia rivalry. Moreover, post-revolutionary Iranian authorities also intended to maintain the regional hegemony from the Imperial State of Iran period. As a result, successive Iranian governments competed for hegemony in the Persian Gulf with the littoral Arab states which consolidated their regional positions due to close links and intensive cooperation with the West especially with the United States. Despite some political and economic initiatives which were undertaken by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, this rivalry was also evident between 2005–2013. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, the Iranian foreign policy after 1979 can be divided into so-called waves of idealism and realism. During dominance of idealism values and spirituality are more important than pragmatism while during the realistic waves political as well as economic interests prevail over spirituality. Iranian idealism is connected with export of revolutionary ideas, Shia dominance as well as the restoration of unity among all muslims (ummah). On this basis both presidential terms of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be classified as ‘waves of idealism’, albeit some of his ideas were very pragmatic. The question is if Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change. Is the current Iran’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States
The Need for Safety and the Development of Consumerism in Poland
Get PDFThe development of consumerism in Poland falls on the last quarter of the century, the transition from controlled economy to free market economy. Elements of the consumer society, in which durables are becoming less and less important and the skillful manifestation of the social position by purchasing fashionable and, simultaneously, symbolic goods that quickly wear out despite their value is becoming more and more important, have reached us before. The essence of the process is that more and more frequently goods should be replaced by subsequent more updated goods-symbols. The position in such an altered society regardless of the country where changes take place depends not on the amount of financial resources but the ability to exchange them for goods of the appropriate meaning. Therefore, in the consumer society one of the driving mechanisms is anxiety and fear connected with the lack of appropriate skills to adjust to changeable conditions
Analysis and Assessment of Conclusions in the White Book regarding Threats and Challenges in EU Common Security and Defence Policy
Get PDFAmong the many issues that were raised in the White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland (WBNSRP), there were also those related to the functioning of a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Its importance for the security of Poland was indicated, as well as the need on the part of EU Member States to broaden collaboration in the sphere of security and defence. The key problems occurring in the context of CSDP were also emphasised and their causes indicated. The aim of the article is to present the factors responsible for the weakening of CSDP effectiveness, ones taken into account in the White Book, and subsequently to present a Framework for their analysis in the light of further scholarship
The European Union’s Cohesion Policy and the Economic Security of Poland
Get PDFThe article presents the Polish experience resulting from implementing European Union’s cohesion policy in 2004–2006 and some experiences as well as the effects of funds from the European budget in 2007–2013. The effects of structural funds implementation on the development of Polish regions was is also presented in a synthetic manner, including their effect in the socio-economic situation in Poland as a whole. Issues pertaining to the influence of European intervention into the elimination of disproportions between Poland and the richer EU states have are also touched upon. The last part of the work mentions the role of funds from the EU budget in cushioning the effects of the economic downturn
Wykorzystanie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych w naukach społecznych. Wybrane problemy
Get PDFThe aim of the publication is to present selected forecasting problems in social sciences. The article focused on the method of decision-making/simulation games that, especially with the development of game theory and computers, have increasingly been used in many fields. Using examples of decision/simulation games - Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E - and the online game EVE Online, the author recognised the importance of such exercises in an accurate prediction of the future. He drew special attention to the element of chance and confounding factors that may destabilise the process of prediction. He also raised the problem of decision-making in the context of classical and quantum logic.Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów prognozowania w naukach społecznych. W artykule skoncentrowano się na metodzie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych, które – zwłaszcza wraz z rozwojem teorii gier oraz komputerów – są coraz częściej wykorzystywane w wielu dziedzinach. Na wybranych przykładach gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych – Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E. a także gry sieciowej EVE Online – wskazano jak ważne są takie ćwiczenia, by móc precyzyjniej przewidywać przyszłość. Zwrócono także szczególną uwagę na kwestię przypadku oraz czynników zakłócających, które mogą destabilizować proces przewidywania. Poruszono ponadto problem podejmowania decyzji w aspekcie klasycznej oraz kwantowej logiki
Konwencja dotycząca statusu uchodźców a praktyka turecka. Problem przybyszów zza wschodniej granicy
Get PDFThe aim of this article is to take an attempt to analyze Turkish policy towards foreigners looking for a shelter on the territory of Republic of Turkey. Increasing importance of this issue during last few years arises first of all from ongoing civil war in Syria, as a result of which a number of Syrians in this country exceeded 700 thousands. What gives rise to particular controversies in this matter is the fact that Turkish state uses double standards in the issue of granting the refugee status. Turkey, as a one of four countries in the world, when signing the Convention and Protocol relating to the status of refugee, announced an introduction of a so-called geographical limitation. As a result, while the refugee status can be granted only to persons coming to Turkey from beyond it’s western borders, those who come from countries like Syria, Iraq or Iran are being called ‘asylum seekers’ (tur. sığınmacı). That means that they are not entitled to benefit from a conventional refugee protection system. The objective of this article is not only to present a legal and real situation of victims of the Syrian civil law but also to make an attempt to foresee moves that may be taken in this matter by the Turkish government in the future. In order to make the analysis possibly most comprehensive either English or Turkish language sources were used by the author during preparation of the text.Celem publikacji jest podjęcie próby przeanalizowania polityki, jaką Turcja prowadzi wobec obcokrajowców poszukujących schronienia na jej terytorium. O ważkości zagadnienia zadecydowała w ostatnich latach przede wszystkim tocząca się w Syrii wojna domowa, w wyniku której na terytorium Turcji znalazło się ponad 700 tysięcy Syryjczyków. Szczególne w tym kontekście kontrowersje budzi fakt stosowania przez Turcję podwójnych standardów w przedmiocie nadawania imigrantom konwencyjnego statusu uchodźcy. Państwo to, jako jedno z czterech na świecie, w momencie przystępowania do Konwencji dotyczącej statusu uchodźców i Protokołu nowojorskiego zastrzegło sobie prawo do stosowania w tej materii tzw. kryterium geograficznego. W efekcie, o ile status uchodźcy nadany być może osobom przybywającym zza zachodnich granic Turcji, o tyle uciekinierzy z państw takich, jak Syria, Iran, czy Irak z formalnego punktu widzenia są „poszukującymi schronienia” (tur. sığınmacı). To zaś oznacza brak ich konwencyjnej ochrony. Celem artykułu jest jednak nie tylko przeanalizowanie prawnego i rzeczywistego położenia, w jakim znajdują się ofiary syryjskiej wojny domowej, przybywające na terytorium Turcji, a także próba przewidzenia scenariusza rozwoju tejże sytuacji. Celem uczynienia analizy możliwie najbardziej rzetelną, odwołano się zarówno do anglo, jak i tureckojęzycznych materiałów źródłowych
Economic Security Policy as a Foundation of State Functioning
Get PDFIn the context of the growing significance of economics in national security, a high level of importance should be ascribed to economic security policy (ESP), which is an important factor of impact on the state and its functions. The effectiveness and efficiency in which national security is shaped depends on how policies are conducted in economic security. This study aims to present the concept of economic security policy taking into account selected determinants in respect to its theory and practice in the example of White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland (WBNSRP). The study advances a concept embracing the essence of such a policy, as well as its definition. The study also examines issues related to the notion and scope of economic security policy. In this regard, it’s fundamental markers and elements are mentioned, ones that taken into account, lend themselves to a more efficient analysis in this field. Moreover, there is an outline of economic security potential and threats, as well as the respective elements in the morphological system, including its instruments. Finally, there is a discussion of the White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland in terms of ESP, including societal aspects
Geopolityczna analiza potêgi w subregionie Zatoki Perskiej
Get PDFThe sub-region of the Persian Gulf, being rich in oil and gas, has become an object of rivalry between regional and global influences. If the countries want to compete effectively though, they need to have power. This article analyzes the elements that comprise the power in the Persian Gulf, which is necessary to understand contemporary balance of power in this region. Analysis is based on the triad of American political scientist – Joseph Nye, who has distinguished soft, hard and smart power. Consequently, the author of the article has presented not only the current balance of power, but also potential balances in the sub-region. There is also an attempt to find an answer to the question: which of these balances of power would be the safest for the Persian Gulf
Polityka bezpieczeństwa Polski w kontekście geopolitycznych skutków konfliktu na Krymie
Get PDFFor twenty-five years Poland’s international environment had been considered stable and free from direct military threats. The crisis in Ukraine and Russia’s military intervention in the Crimea undermined this belief. Russia’s violation of the Ukrainian integrity should meet with an overwhelming response of the international community, especially United States and United Kingdom, who are – together with Russia – the guarantors of Ukraine’s security, territorial integrity and independence. The fulfillment of promises US and UK were given to Ukraine could be nowadays regarded as a test, which can assess ability to meet other obligations given by these two states, including those arising from allied systems. International repercussions of armed conflict in Ukraine may therefore affect not only the future status of Crimea and Ukraine, but also the credibility of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the European Union (including the UK) and the United States. In this context the conflict in Ukraine can become a reason for forcing the review and possibly redefinition of the assumptions of Poland’s security policy. That is because security of Poland was based on three pillars: the NATO and EU membership, and the partnership with the United States. The binder of these pillars is the convince of keeping alliance commitment by the U.S. and partners from EU and NATO. The article discusses the evolution of Poland’s security policy. The article focuses on assessing the weight given by Poland to the compounds allied with NATO, the European Union and the United States and asks how the violation of the Ukrainian territorial integrity and the response to this delict given by the main actors of transatlantic relations can influence on Poland’s security policy.Przez dwadzieścia pięć lat międzynarodowe środowisko Polski uważane było za stabilne i wolne od bezpoœrednich zagrożeń militarnych. Kryzys na Ukrainie i interwencja zbrojna Rosji na Krymie podważyły to przekonanie. Naruszenie integralnoœci Ukrainy przez Rosję winno spotkać się ze zdecydowaną reakcją społeczności międzynarodowej. Szczególnie zobligowane do działania wydają się być jednak Stany Zjednoczone i Wielka Brytania, które – wraz z Rosją – są od 1994 r. gwarantami bezpieczeństwa, integralności terytorialnej i niezależności Ukrainy. Dotrzymanie przez nie złożonych obietnic można traktować jako probierz dotrzymania innych zobowiązań, w tym takze tych, które wynikają z układów sojuszniczych. Miedzynarodowe reperkusje zbrojnego konfliktu na Ukrainie moga więc dotyczyć nie tylko przyszłego statusu Krymu i Ukrainy, ale tak¿e wiarygodności NATO, Unii Europejskiej (w tym Wielkiej Brytanii) oraz Stanów Zjednoczonych. W tym kontekście konflikt na Ukrainie może stać się powodem wymuszającym przeglad oraz – być może – redefinicję założeń polskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Bezpieczeństwo Polski zostało bowiem oparte na trzech filarach: członkostwie w NATO oraz Unii Europejskiej i partnerstwie ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Spoiwem tych filarów jest przekonanie o dotrzymaniu zobowiązań sojuszniczych przez USA oraz partnerów z UE i NATO. Artykuł traktuje o ewolucji polskiej polityki bezpieczeñstwa. Autorka skupia się na ocenie wagi przykładanej przez Polskę do związków sojuszniczych z NATO, Unią Europejską i Stanami Zjednoczonymi i zastanawia się nad wpływem, jaki mogą na nie wywrzeć naruszenie integralności terytorialnej Ukrainy przez Rosję oraz reakcja głównych aktorów stosunków międzynarodowych regionu euroatlantyckiego na ten fakt
Polityka ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP
Get PDFThe article’s objective was to analyse the premises of the policy concerning the Republic of Poland’s cyber-space protection, presented in the document entitled The policy of protecting the cyberspace of Republic of Poland, published by the Ministry of Administration and Digitization of Poland and the Internal Security Agency in 2013. The current article examines the postulates and guidelines included therein, and also confronts them with selected elements of the system of Poland’s cyber-space protection. The author is ready to agree with the creators of the strategy discussed that the complete management of the tele-information risk is impossible. It may only be feasible to attain a certain, acceptable level of such management. The implementation of the priorities of the discussed policy may, presumably, contribute considerably to this end. Particularly important in this context are the following: precise definition of competencies of entities responsible for cyber-space security, creation and implementation of uniform, for all entities of the government administration, a system of management of cyber-space risk, as well as formulation of related guidelines for non-public entities, and also creation of permanent system of coordination and exchange of information between entities responsible for cyber-space security and the cyber-space users themselves, and finally, making the latter fully realise the methods and measures of assuring cyber-space security.Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza założeń polityki ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP zaprezentowanych w dokumencie zatytułowanym Polityka ochrony cyberprzestrzeni Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, zaprezentowanym w 2013 r. przez Ministerstwo Administracji i Cyfryzacji i Agencję Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego. Artykuł poddaje analizie postulaty i wytyczne tam zamieszczone, jak również konfrontuje te założenia z elementami systemu ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP. Zgodzić należy się z twórcami tej strategii, iż zapewnienie stanu pełnego bezpieczeństwa teleinformatycznego, jest niemożliwe. Można mówić jedynie osiągnięciu pewnego, akceptowalnego jego poziomu. Wydaje się, że do osiągnięcia tego celu, powinna w znaczącym stopniu przyczynić się realizacja priorytetów polityki ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP, a wśród nich w szczególności określenie kompetencji podmiotów odpowiedzialnych za bezpieczeństwo cyberprzestrzeni, stworzenie i realizacja spójnego dla wszystkich podmiotów administracji rządowej systemu zarządzania bezpieczeństwem cyberprzestrzeni oraz ustanowienie wytycznych w tym zakresie dla podmiotów niepublicznych, stworzenie trwałego systemu koordynacji i wymiany informacji pomiędzy podmiotami odpowiedzialnymi za bezpieczeństwo cyberprzestrzeni i użytkownikami cyberprzestrzeni, zwiększenie świadomości użytkowników cyberprzestrzeni w zakresie metod i środków bezpieczeństwa