Przegląd Politologiczny
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Postawy wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych: raport z międzynarodowych badań porównawczych
Get PDFThe paper presents the results of surveys conducted among students in nearly thirty countries. The surveys concerned the students’ attitudes to the presidential elections in the USA in 2008, and their opinions on the candidates running for election. The attitudes towards the United States, its policy and culture were also surveyed. The results indicate that the attitudes of Polish respondents differ significantly from those of the respondents in other countries. In the fall of 2008, Polish respondents were relatively friendly towards Americans, appreciating their honesty, but disrespecting their incompetence and lack of knowledge. The Polish respondents’ assessments of American policy and culture, the US government and its operations in the international arena were also relatively mild. However, the results of Polish surveys were less favorable to US citizens than the results of earlier surveys. They confirmed that, during the George W. Bush presidency, the attitude of Polish society to everything American slowly, but consistently, grew colder. It seems reasonable to suggest this was a reaction to the US’s global policies and a result of Poles’ dissatisfaction with Polish-American bilateral relations
Polityczność sztuki. Analiza pracy Zbigniewa Libery pt. LEGO. Obóz koncentracyjny z 1996 roku
Get PDFThe objective of the paper is to analyze Zbigniew Libera’s Lego. Concentration Camp from 1996, which is considered to be one of the most important Polish works of art in the 1990s. Lego exemplifies the problem of the politicality of art which consists of art’s involvement in politics. The considerations on the permeation of the fields of politics and esthetics constitute a sig- nificant part of the work of French philosopher Jacques Ranciere, whose concepts provide the theoretical foundations for the analysis of Libera’s Lego. The juxtaposition of toys with the symbol of the Holocaust raises questions about the role of art in uncovering the discourse of power as understood by Michel Foucault, the influence of public policies (cultural, educational policies and the policy towards the past) on art and the borders of commercialization and trivialization of the symbols of collective memory. Libera’s Lego is a transgressive work, representing the trend of so-called critical art in modern Polish art. The artist used artistic methods to break the cultural taboo that concerns the presentation of the non-presentable. Libera showed the past and the present, the former by re- ferring to the topic of the Holocaust, indicating the pragmatism of the Nazi system, and the lat- ter by uncovering the laws of the teaching process, carried out by means of repeating patterns. Above all, however, Libera showed that artistic activity can be a form of expressing interests and can influence the shape of public policies.The objective of the paper is to analyze Zbigniew Libera’s Lego. Concentration Camp from 1996, which is considered to be one of the most important Polish works of art in the 1990s. Lego exemplifies the problem of the politicality of art which consists of art’s involvement in politics. The considerations on the permeation of the fields of politics and esthetics constitute a sig- nificant part of the work of French philosopher Jacques Ranciere, whose concepts provide the theoretical foundations for the analysis of Libera’s Lego. The juxtaposition of toys with the symbol of the Holocaust raises questions about the role of art in uncovering the discourse of power as understood by Michel Foucault, the influence of public policies (cultural, educational policies and the policy towards the past) on art and the borders of commercialization and trivialization of the symbols of collective memory. Libera’s Lego is a transgressive work, representing the trend of so-called critical art in modern Polish art. The artist used artistic methods to break the cultural taboo that concerns the presentation of the non-presentable. Libera showed the past and the present, the former by re- ferring to the topic of the Holocaust, indicating the pragmatism of the Nazi system, and the lat- ter by uncovering the laws of the teaching process, carried out by means of repeating patterns. Above all, however, Libera showed that artistic activity can be a form of expressing interests and can influence the shape of public policies
O naturze sporów kompetencyjnych. Konflikty pomiędzy organami władzy państwowej w polskiej myśli polityczno-prawnej na przełomie XX i XXI wieku
Get PDFCompetency disputes between the organs of state authority are one of characteristics of the Polish political system functioning at the turn of the 20th century, that is since regaining independence until today. The first conflicts between the organs of executive and legislative powers emerged in the period of the Second Republic of Poland. More frequently referred to as constitutional disputes then, these competency conflicts were focused around Marshall Józef Pi³sudski, and their main cause was the interpretation of the Small Constitution, and then the Constitution of 17th March 1921. These interpretations were particularly skillfully applied by the supporters of the Marshall, especially by Stanis³aw Car, Minister of Justice, whose name gave rise to the notion of carowanie [bewitching] of the Constitution. The available sources allow the conclusion that competency disputes were one of the causes for amending the Constitution in 1935, at least from a legal point of view. The period of the Second World War also saw disputes that can be called conflicts of competency. This time the representatives of executive power played the main roles. The conflicts between Prime Minister W³adys³aw E. Sikorski and President W³adys³aw Raczkiewicz resulted in the clearly reinforced position of the former. After 1989, competency disputes became a permanent element of political life, as was the case after regaining independence in 1918. Analogous to the interwar period, a problem with the interpretation of the Constitution emerged, in particular after the Small Constitution was passed in October 1992. The notion of the ‘Falandization of law’ was coined in reference to the advisor to President Lech Wa³êsa – Professor Lech Falandysz. Also the 1997 Constitution, which remains in force, was a source of conflicts, this time between President Lech Kaczyñski and Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Competency disputes over the last two decades clearly show the direction of the further evolution of the Polish political system towards strengthening the position of the Prime Minister while limiting the powers of the head of state.Competency disputes between the organs of state authority are one of characteristics of the Polish political system functioning at the turn of the 20th century, that is since regaining independence until today. The first conflicts between the organs of executive and legislative powers emerged in the period of the Second Republic of Poland. More frequently referred to as constitutional disputes then, these competency conflicts were focused around Marshall Józef Pi³sudski, and their main cause was the interpretation of the Small Constitution, and then the Constitution of 17th March 1921. These interpretations were particularly skillfully applied by the supporters of the Marshall, especially by Stanis³aw Car, Minister of Justice, whose name gave rise to the notion of carowanie [bewitching] of the Constitution. The available sources allow the conclusion that competency disputes were one of the causes for amending the Constitution in 1935, at least from a legal point of view. The period of the Second World War also saw disputes that can be called conflicts of competency. This time the representatives of executive power played the main roles. The conflicts between Prime Minister W³adys³aw E. Sikorski and President W³adys³aw Raczkiewicz resulted in the clearly reinforced position of the former. After 1989, competency disputes became a permanent element of political life, as was the case after regaining independence in 1918. Analogous to the interwar period, a problem with the interpretation of the Constitution emerged, in particular after the Small Constitution was passed in October 1992. The notion of the ‘Falandization of law’ was coined in reference to the advisor to President Lech Wa³êsa – Professor Lech Falandysz. Also the 1997 Constitution, which remains in force, was a source of conflicts, this time between President Lech Kaczyñski and Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Competency disputes over the last two decades clearly show the direction of the further evolution of the Polish political system towards strengthening the position of the Prime Minister while limiting the powers of the head of state
Brexit w polityce europejskiej Niemiec
Get PDFSince the beginning of David Cameron’s rule in the United Kingdom (2010) Eurosceptic sentiments have intensified, leading to a split in society, a referendum and, finally, Brexit. Germany was for the UK remaining in the EU, but after the referendum Germany announced the EU would negotiate hard to have its conditions met. Germany decided that Brexit provided favorable prospects for enhancing cooperation among the remaining 27 states. The most difficult negotiating items concern financial settlements between London and Brussels (ca. EUR 60 billion), the status of EU citizens employed and residing in the territory of the UK, and the North Ireland-Irish Republic border. The negotiations of a new trade agreement between the EU and the UK are also difficult
Szkolnictwo wyższe i dyplomacja naukowa jako narzędzie soft power w polityce ChRL wobec Unii Europejskiej
Get PDFHigher education policy is an element of soft power in the international politics of the PRC. This has become possible because, for two decades, universities in China have been developing and undergoing profound changes. PRC authorities have set ambitious goals for their universities, e.g. making some of the universities top higher education institutions worldwide. Universities in China are abandoning the “copy-paste” pattern, developing their own technological innovations, and consistently raising their position in international rankings. Development goals set for Chinese universities are connected with the global economic expansion of the PRC. The scientific diplomacy of China is primarily executed through the Confucius Institutes network. European Union universities are a strategic goal of this policy as they possess the resources, practices and customs China needs to strengthen its universities. The paper analyzes selected issues of employing higher education policy as a soft power in Chinese diplomacy
The European Council and the European Union’s external activities. Forming relations with eastern neighbors
Get PDFThe modification process of the European Union’s institutional order appears to be permanent. One of the elements of this tendency is the position of the European Council, which is especially interesting in the field of stimulating external EU activities. The aim of this analysis is to explore the EC’s engagement in initiating foreign relations, taking the eastern neighborhood as an example. The paper reviews the European Council’s meetings in the period of 2008–2016, concluding that the EC actively responded to external challenges and created a political impetus for the actions of other institutions. The internal debate initiated by the member states from Central and Eastern Europe resulted in the formulation of the Eastern Partnership initiative that the European Council approved and adopted, giving it a political impetus within the European Union. This caused a specific reaction in the neighborhood. The process of association of some eastern partners was accompanied by the need to deal with the challenging response from Russia, which resorted, among other things, to military measures. The European Council’s involvement in external actions in the East became a self-deepening process with a changing profile and priorities
The Energy Union Tour – success or failure?
Get PDFThe objective of the Energy Union is to integrate 28 national energy markets, guarantee free movement of energy through the borders of the member states, implement new technologies, increase energy efficiency and renew transmission infrastructure. This project is advocated in response to the energy crisis of 2009, between Russia and Ukraine, as a result of which the gas transit to some of the EU countries was discontinued. This project, however, does not enjoy equal interest among all EU member states. This is the outcome of the national interests of some member states, which, for many years, have had good political and economic relations with the Russian Federation, particularly in the area of energy raw materials. Therefore, Maroš Šefčovič – the European Commissioner in charge of the Energy Union, organised an Energy Union Tour, i.e. a series of meetings in all the member states, taking place at the turn of 2015–2016, the objective of which was to show what the Energy Union could offer each of them. The structure of the paper was determined by the research procedure and the response to all the research questions, comprising: introduction, reflections on the security of the energy raw material supply and the projects of Energy Union and Energy Union Tour as well as the conclusions from the research and the summary
Politologia jako dyscyplina naukowa świadoma swoich postaw (stronniczy przyczynek do debaty z czterema uwagami)
Get PDFThe text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred.The text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred
Metoda śledzenia procesu i mechanizmy przyczynowe w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych
Get PDFThe article presents a qualitative method known as process tracing and exemplifies its use in the study of international relations. Firstly, the general characteristics of process tracing are shown. Secondly, the debate in social sciences on the understanding of causal mechanisms and causal inference is discussed, and whether process tracing is useful in testing hypotheses. Thirdly, different types of directives that guide the research procedure within the framework of process tracing are presented. Fourthly, the final part of the article demonstrates the implementation of process tracing in International Relations on the example of the analysis of the end of the Cold War. The article is concluded with a few doubts the method raises. The aim of the article is to introduce a qualitative research method to the Polish studies of International Relations. This method has not been used by Polish researchers, although most of them declare their methodological standpoint as a qualitative approach. The author justifies and illustrates the belief that the method of process tracing can be strongly recommended in solving problems related to the identification of causal relations in International Relations. The author uses the content analysis method in the article. The method of process tracing is presented based on the analysis of the texts of renowned supporters of the method in the Philosophy of Science and International Relations and of works dedicated to the problems of international relations studied using this method. The results of the analysis make it possible to formulate recommendations for the application of the method to study international relations. The author also presents the weaknesses of this method, which every scholar employing it should be aware of.W artykule przedstawiono jakościową metodę śledzenia procesu (process tracing) i jej przykładowe wykorzystanie w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych. Po pierwsze, dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki metody. Po drugie, przedstawiono debatę toczoną w naukach społecznych na temat rozumienia mechanizmów przyczynowych i przyczynowego wnioskowania oraz użyteczności metody śledzenia procesu do testowania hipotez. Po trzecie, omówiono różnego rodzaju dyrektywy kierujące postępowaniem badawczym w ramach metody śledzenia procesu. Po czwarte, w końcowej części artykułu zademonstrowano implementację metody w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych na przykładzie analizy zakończenia zimnej wojny. W końcu sformułowano pewne wątpliwości związane z metodą. Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do polskiej nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych jakościowej metody badawczej, która nie jest wykorzystywana przez polskich badaczy, chociaż większość z nich określa swoje stanowisko metodologiczne jako jakościowe. Autor w szczególności uzasadnia i ilustruje przekonanie, że metoda śledzenia procesu może stanowić mocną propozycję w rozwiązywaniu problemów związanych z rozpoznawaniem stosunków przyczynowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Autor posługuje się w artykule metodą analizy treści. Metoda śledzenia procesu została przedstawiona w oparciu o analizę tekstów uznanych zwolenników metody w filozofii nauki i nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych oraz prac poświęconych problemom stosunków międzynarodowych badanych przy zastosowaniu tej metody. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy pozwalają na sformułowanie rekomendacji do stosowania metody do badania stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia również słabe strony metody, których istnienia powinien być świadomy każdy z niej korzystający
