Przegląd Politologiczny
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Droga na Downing Street. Uwagi nad karierę polityczną Margaret Thatcher
Get PDFThe road of Margaret Thatcher (born in 1925) to her political career and winning the tell- ing nickname of the ‘Iron Lady’ has commonly been described as exceptional in the recent history of the Old Continent. The first woman to head a great European democracy, she served as Prime Minister three times, winning general elections and heading the government of Great Britain for eleven years (1979-1990). This was a record-breaking result in the history of the UK, which she managed, surrounded by a team of consummate coworkers whom she clearly dominated. Thatcher is included in a small circle of the most outstanding statespeople in her country, in particular compared to Winston Churchill. Despite not having aristocratic origins, she won the highest office in the government of Her Majesty Elizabeth II thanks to her talent, diligent work, ambition, and experience gath- ered in the positions she successively held. Her career in the Conservative Party lasted many years. Her vision of transformations in the political system of the state was based on her own experience and the advice of devoted workers, who she selected using her intuition. Her hus- band, Denis Thatcher, played an important role by her side, yet he always remained in the background, providing support and playing the role of a reasonable private advisor. The author emphasizes the high political culture of Margaret Thatcher and her circle, and he also underlines Polish elements in her policy. He pays a lot of attention to her excellent memoires as a source for politological studies, and to a review of the latest movie about the ‘Iron Lady’.The road of Margaret Thatcher (born in 1925) to her political career and winning the tell- ing nickname of the ‘Iron Lady’ has commonly been described as exceptional in the recent history of the Old Continent. The first woman to head a great European democracy, she served as Prime Minister three times, winning general elections and heading the government of Great Britain for eleven years (1979-1990). This was a record-breaking result in the history of the UK, which she managed, surrounded by a team of consummate coworkers whom she clearly dominated. Thatcher is included in a small circle of the most outstanding statespeople in her country, in particular compared to Winston Churchill. Despite not having aristocratic origins, she won the highest office in the government of Her Majesty Elizabeth II thanks to her talent, diligent work, ambition, and experience gath- ered in the positions she successively held. Her career in the Conservative Party lasted many years. Her vision of transformations in the political system of the state was based on her own experience and the advice of devoted workers, who she selected using her intuition. Her hus- band, Denis Thatcher, played an important role by her side, yet he always remained in the background, providing support and playing the role of a reasonable private advisor. The author emphasizes the high political culture of Margaret Thatcher and her circle, and he also underlines Polish elements in her policy. He pays a lot of attention to her excellent memoires as a source for politological studies, and to a review of the latest movie about the ‘Iron Lady’
Europejska Strategia Bezpieczeństwa 2003–2008. Analiza politologiczna
Get PDFIn 2003, the Council of Europe, the highest political organ of the European Union, resolved to adopt the European Security Strategy. This document outlined three fundamental objectives for the EU: stability and good governance in the area of the EU’s closest neighbors; creating an international order that would be based not only on bilateral relations, but primarily on efficient multilateral relations; and preventing threats, whether new or traditional. The Strategy assumed that the EU would take the responsibility for international security both in the realm of ‘peace keeping’ (peace and defensive missions) and ‘peace-making’ (peace and offensive missions). Defining the threats that the European Union needs to defy, the Strategy enumerates local conflicts, terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their potential use against the territory of the EU and its member states, collapsing states, and conflicts breaking out in such states and their neighborhood, as well as organized crime. The assessment of numerous threats to internal and external security, presented in the European Security Strategy, remains up-to-date. There have also emerged new threats for Europe that result from the need to ensure energy security, primarily with respect to the diversification of energy sources. The significance of climate change to international security has increased. The same applies to IT security or piracy. The EU has been rather anxious about the intensification of frozen conflicts, in particular the outbreak of war between Russia and Georgia. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has indicated that the enlargement process is a significant stabilizing factor in the EU neighborhood. Fundamental importance is also attached to the review of cooperation principles with the USA, the crucial role of the UN in the international system, and cooperation with regional organizations, such as the African Union. There is also the need to develop a strategic partnership with NATO, in particular in terms of operational cooperation. Another key factor in the strengthening of the EU’s global position is the development of a civil and military crisis response system
China’s influence on Taiwan’s media and politics
Get PDFTaiwan’s democracy and freedom of the press provide the Chinese authorities with an opportunity to use Taiwanese businessmen to influence Taiwan’s media outlets and politics. China uses three inter-related strategies to influence Taiwan’s media in this way: persuading businessmen with pro-China views to purchase Taiwanese media outlets, pressuring existing media owners, and placing advertisements in Taiwan’s media in order to purchase political influence. In addition, the Chinese government also employs cyber-propaganda strategy to attack Taiwanese political parties and politicians
Uwarunkowania epistemologiczne obrazowania rzeczywistości politycznej w mediach
Get PDFThe author reflects on the issue of epistemological limitations in the process of media imaginings of political reality. Using reference theory and description theory the author tries to answer the question of what makes up the image of political reality as verbalized in media coverage. His conclusion is that attempts to reflect the factual image in the media presentation of politics produce a specific politico-journalistic construction of this reality, the apparent reality. Therefore, the category of truth in media communications concerning the field of poli- tics usually fails. One should thus expect that this traditional realism, which is expressed on the one hand by the factual nature of the media, and on the other by the morality of the media, will constitute a pillar that supports the image of political reality that is presented, interpreted and commented on in the media. In principle, this should not be a naïve realism, giving priority to individual cognitive spontaneity rather than to reflection, analysis and experience, or a spiritual realism seeking the truth about reality through human spirituality.The author reflects on the issue of epistemological limitations in the process of media imaginings of political reality. Using reference theory and description theory the author tries to answer the question of what makes up the image of political reality as verbalized in media coverage. His conclusion is that attempts to reflect the factual image in the media presentation of politics produce a specific politico-journalistic construction of this reality, the apparent reality. Therefore, the category of truth in media communications concerning the field of poli- tics usually fails. One should thus expect that this traditional realism, which is expressed on the one hand by the factual nature of the media, and on the other by the morality of the media, will constitute a pillar that supports the image of political reality that is presented, interpreted and commented on in the media. In principle, this should not be a naïve realism, giving priority to individual cognitive spontaneity rather than to reflection, analysis and experience, or a spiritual realism seeking the truth about reality through human spirituality
System Zarządzania Wiedzą dla Zarządzania Kryzysowego
No full textThe paper describes the application of semantic technologies and knowledge management systems in the area of crisis management by the Polish public administration. A brief analysis of crisis management is presented. An architecture for a knowledge management system with interfaces that use a controlled natural language is proposed. The paper demonstrates the usefulness of semantic knowledge management and automated reasoning in the field of public administration.The paper describes the application of semantic technologies and knowledge management systems in the area of crisis management by the Polish public administration. A brief analysis of crisis management is presented. An architecture for a knowledge management system with interfaces that use a controlled natural language is proposed. The paper demonstrates the usefulness of semantic knowledge management and automated reasoning in the field of public administration
O pojęciu i istocie bezpieczeństwa
No full textThe subject of the paper is the notion and essence of security. The paper is divided into three parts; the first one discusses the essence of security, the second – the increasing significance of security in non-military dimensions, while the third part presents different ways of defining the notion of security. The first part analyzes security in its philosophical, existential and biological contexts. These considerations are concluded with a general definition of security as the opportunity to fulfill one’s existential needs as well as to ensure one’s existence, survival and development. Security is also a state of certainty of the above opportunities. The second part of the paper concerns the issue of the expansion of the notion of security. This is related to redefining power in international relations and with the progressing specialization of the fields of study that deal with the issue of security. Additionally, attention should be paid to the expanding repertoire of threats, which forms an element of numerous definitions of security. The expansion of this repertoire itself may be a consequence of increased awareness in various realms of social activity (e.g. environmental protection). The last part concentrates on the ways of defining security and concerns four approaches to security as the (1) subject, (2) object, (3) a spatial entity, and (4) a process. It can be said that the concept of security is open; it is impossible to present a single, clear set of definitions. This follows from the open repertoire of threats and different approaches of different fields. Therefore, static approaches to the essence of security should be criticized. It should also be stated that the range of the concept will continue to expand
Sytuacja kobiet na europejskim rynku pracy
Get PDFThe considerations presented in the paper demonstrate that the situation of women in the European labor market has considerably improved over the last decade. This is facilitated, among other things, by the extensive legal instruments stipulated in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and in so-called ‘equality directives’. Yet, despite this extensive and moderately coherent system of legal protection of women in the labor market, they continue to have a weaker position than men. Gender segregation in the European Union is a considerable problem; it is exemplified by women’s limited access to attractive positions and a gender pay gap, i.e. obtaining lower remuneration than men employed in comparable positions. There are also other factors that influence limited women’s activity in professional life. For a long time women have been second to men in terms of education, but the differences in this area have been gradually decreasing in recent times. What continues to be a factor to curb the participation of women in the European labor market is insufficient childcare provisions. It should be pointed out that confronting demography with employment, and requesting that women choose between home and family or work falsifies the problem. This has clearly been noted in the Europe 2020 strategy, which creates a feedback between women’s employment and their traditional role of guardians of home and hearth. This is facilitated by flexible instruments in the labor market, such as contracts typical for a flexecurity model, e.g. non-standard contracts and flexible hour contracts. Their implementation can contribute to maintaining a positive trend that has recently been manifested in an increasing rate of employed women.The considerations presented in the paper demonstrate that the situation of women in the European labor market has considerably improved over the last decade. This is facilitated, among other things, by the extensive legal instruments stipulated in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and in so-called ‘equality directives’. Yet, despite this extensive and moderately coherent system of legal protection of women in the labor market, they continue to have a weaker position than men. Gender segregation in the European Union is a considerable problem; it is exemplified by women’s limited access to attractive positions and a gender pay gap, i.e. obtaining lower remuneration than men employed in comparable positions. There are also other factors that influence limited women’s activity in professional life. For a long time women have been second to men in terms of education, but the differences in this area have been gradually decreasing in recent times. What continues to be a factor to curb the participation of women in the European labor market is insufficient childcare provisions. It should be pointed out that confronting demography with employment, and requesting that women choose between home and family or work falsifies the problem. This has clearly been noted in the Europe 2020 strategy, which creates a feedback between women’s employment and their traditional role of guardians of home and hearth. This is facilitated by flexible instruments in the labor market, such as contracts typical for a flexecurity model, e.g. non-standard contracts and flexible hour contracts. Their implementation can contribute to maintaining a positive trend that has recently been manifested in an increasing rate of employed women
Proces prywatyzacji Stoczni Szczecińskiej Nowa Sp. z o.o. w latach 2004–2009
Get PDFBetween 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard.Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard
The migration policy of Armenia
Get PDFThe aim of this study is to describe the legal bases of the migration policy of Armenia and its practical implementation in 1995–2013. The author examined the international and national documents that provide the legal bases of Armenia’s migration policy, as well as the balance between departures and arrivals in the period 1995–2013, Armenian citizens’ reasons for emigrating and the occupations of emigrants. The study was based on the following research methods: content, system and quantitative analysis. The results of the analyses performed indicate that the objectives of Armenia’s migration policy were not completely fulfilled. Between 1995 and 2013, the number of emigrants declined, but Armenia’s overall migration balance was negative. The majority of those leaving the country went to Russia, followed by the other states of the CIS
Paweł Kowal, Koniec systemu władzy. Polityka ekipy gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego w latach 1986–1989, Wyd. Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Wydawnictwo Trio, Warszawa 2012, ss. 524.
No full textPaweł Kowal, Koniec systemu władzy. Polityka ekipy gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego w latach 1986–1989, Wyd. Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Wydawnictwo Trio, Warszawa 2012, ss. 524