Przegląd Politologiczny
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The Political System of the Republic of Turkey, Past and Present
The first constitution of the Ottoman-Turkish Empire was adopted in 1876 – the Kânûn-ı Esâsî (Eng. Fundamental Law). In its history, Turkey has had four constitutions. They were adopted in 1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982, with the latter being presently in force. Nowadays, the creation of a new constitution is the main issue on Turkey’s political agenda. The government of Turkey and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to amend the constitution, and envisage creating an executive presidential system (Tur. Başkanlık sistemi), similar to that of the Russian Federation and the United States. Critics are concerned about what Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s motivation may be. This article analyzes the historical roots of the constitution, its amendments, the presidential system in Turkey and the arguments of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) against the adoption of a presidential system. The key issues that the authors address are the changes that could be made under Turkey’s new constitution and whether all political power would be concentrated in president’s hands
Frekwencja wyborcza w elekcjach samorządowych w Polsce
The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government’s existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe
Terroryzm sponsorowany przez państwa. Casus bliskowschodnich państw-sponsorów
The point of interest in this paper is the issue of state-sponsored terrorism. The essence of this form of terrorism is the intentional (indirect or direct) support, offered by state sponsors to terrorist organizations, and the intention to let them achieve their political, strategic or tactical goals, usually concerning the citizens, governments or the territory of third-party countries. The paper presents a classification of the range of such support and concentrates on the analysis of the motives and means applied by the state sponsors. Owing to historical conditions and the range and scope of support granted, the paper uses the examples of Iran, Syria and Iraq. Only the former two states offer permanent support to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. After the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime, Iraqi authorities have abandoned this activity as it was actually harmful to the interests of their country
Polska w GATT/WTO
The purpose of the paper is to analyze the position of Poland in the GATT and WTO. Another topic concerns the principles of the Common Commercial Policy of the European Union, including Poland after accession. The first part of the paper presents the position of Poland in the GATT, with particular emphasis on Poland’s specific membership, which followed from its centrally planned economy. The second part of the paper concentrates on the issue of Poland’s functioning within the WTO and Polish postulates in the Development Round (Doha) of the WTO in the context of liberalized trade of agricultural commodities. The effects of excessive imports from China are also analyzed from the point of view of Polish producers of soft fruit and in terms of anti-dumping duties imposed by the EU on such imports
Kojenie obrazem, leczenie snem. Konstruowanie pamięci o Zagładzie w polskich filmach fabularnych po 1989 roku
In the period between the end of World War II and the late 1980s the Polish film industry produced nearly twenty films on the Holocaust which approached the topic within secure lim- its. Those films that were permitted to be shown did not disturb the good feeling of the na- tional community, did not refer to the Polish version of anti-Semitism, and first and foremost avoided the sensitive issue of Polish society’s attitude to the annihilation of the Jews. Each film complied with the then current historical policy, which either treated this issue instru- mentally or simply ignored it. After 1989, both historiography and cinematography began to fill in the blank spots and address topics that were formerly forbidden, taboo or distorted in the official state discourse. Due to the abolishment of political restrictions and the liberation of public discourse, Polish cinematography embarked upon a belated examination of conscience and revision of the memories of the Holocaust cultivated till then. At least it seemed so. Has it actually happened, though? Have Polish filmmakers actually taken the trouble to deconstruct the myths, fill in the gaps and correct the deformed Polish memories of the Holocaust? Even if the answers to these superficial questions are affirmative, at least in terms of their intentions, what has become of it? This paper is an attempt to identify how the memory of the Holocaust has been constructed in Polish feature movies since 1989.In the period between the end of World War II and the late 1980s the Polish film industry produced nearly twenty films on the Holocaust which approached the topic within secure lim- its. Those films that were permitted to be shown did not disturb the good feeling of the na- tional community, did not refer to the Polish version of anti-Semitism, and first and foremost avoided the sensitive issue of Polish society’s attitude to the annihilation of the Jews. Each film complied with the then current historical policy, which either treated this issue instru- mentally or simply ignored it. After 1989, both historiography and cinematography began to fill in the blank spots and address topics that were formerly forbidden, taboo or distorted in the official state discourse. Due to the abolishment of political restrictions and the liberation of public discourse, Polish cinematography embarked upon a belated examination of conscience and revision of the memories of the Holocaust cultivated till then. At least it seemed so. Has it actually happened, though? Have Polish filmmakers actually taken the trouble to deconstruct the myths, fill in the gaps and correct the deformed Polish memories of the Holocaust? Even if the answers to these superficial questions are affirmative, at least in terms of their intentions, what has become of it? This paper is an attempt to identify how the memory of the Holocaust has been constructed in Polish feature movies since 1989
Idea kolegialnej władzy wykonawczej
Montesquieu’s idea of the tripartite system already expressed a concern with preventing one power from dominating excessively. Another argument for the collegial nature of power is the concern with the continuation of state authorities at the time of crisis (e.g. the tragedy in Smoleñsk). The idea of collegial executive power emerged already in antiquity as evidenced by the two kings in Sparta, the collegiums of archons in Athens, two consuls in the Roman Republic, or the system of tetrarchy, initiated by Diocletian. At present we have the ‘rotating presidency’ in Bosnia or the French principle of ‘cohabitacion’.Montesquieu’s idea of the tripartite system already expressed a concern with preventing one power from dominating excessively. Another argument for the collegial nature of power is the concern with the continuation of state authorities at the time of crisis (e.g. the tragedy in Smoleñsk). The idea of collegial executive power emerged already in antiquity as evidenced by the two kings in Sparta, the collegiums of archons in Athens, two consuls in the Roman Republic, or the system of tetrarchy, initiated by Diocletian. At present we have the ‘rotating presidency’ in Bosnia or the French principle of ‘cohabitacion’
Charles A. Kupchan, How Enemies Become Friends: The Sources of Stable Peace, Princeton University Press, Princeton–Oxford 2010, ss. XIII + 442.
Charles A. Kupchan, How Enemies Become Friends: The Sources of Stable Peace, Princeton University Press, Princeton–Oxford 2010, ss. XIII + 442
Polityka gospodarcza w deklaracjach wyborczych kandydatów na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w 2010 roku
The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland’s president by a small majority. Kaczyński’s defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland’s president by a small majority. Kaczyński’s defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate