Przegląd Politologiczny
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Ustrój prawny samorządu rolniczego w Polsce i RFN. Studium porównawcze
Get PDFTwo models of farmers’ institutions have developed in Europe: a) the French model, resulting from the decentralization of public administration and taking the form of agricultural chambers, or corporations under public law, administratively imposing obligatory membership, and b) the Anglo-Saxon model of voluntary agricultural associations with no administrative power. The purpose of this paper is to compare the first model, using the example of the North Rhine-Westphalia Chamber of Agriculture and the Wielkopolska Chamber of Agriculture. The differences are presented in terms of their respective legal structures and the tasks each chamber performs in the state administration of FRG and Poland
Eurosceptycyzm znad Wełtawy. Inspiracja brytyjska czy oryginalny wariant czeskich konserwatystów?
Get PDFThe aim of this paper is to reveal the connections between the British version of Euroskepticism (as one variety of this political and intellectual phenomenon) and its Czech variant, personified by the present President of the Czech Republic – Vaclav Klaus. The paper discusses the fundamental elements of the Euroskeptical outlook that are sometimes presented to public opinion in EU states as ‘Eurorealism.’ The British variety is presented alongside the most important elements of the same concept in France and Denmark. Although Czech Europskepticism refers to numerous significant structural elements of its British predecessor, it has a number of original features. Among others, they result from the geopolitical conditions of Central Europe. The author analyzes the statements of the present Czech president (who once described himself as a Thatcherist) to show his essential influence on the shape of Euroskeptical attitudes on the Vltava. The author also presents the most important foreign policy documents of the former political circles of Vaclav Klaus, i.e. the Civic Democratic Party (ODS), with their Europskeptical overtones. The paper concludes with the author’s observations concerning the similarities and discrepancies between British and Czech attitudes
Paweł Kowal, Koniec systemu władzy. Polityka ekipy gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego w latach 1986-1989 (M. Kosman)
No full textPaweł Kowal, Koniec systemu władzy. Polityka ekipy gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego w latach 1986-1989 (M. Kosman
Andrzej Wierzbicki, Rosja: etniczność i polityka, Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA JR, Warszawa 2011, ss. 340.
Get PDFAndrzej Wierzbicki, Rosja: etniczność i polityka, Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA JR, Warszawa 2011, ss. 340
Społeczne konteksty w badaniach na stosunkami międzynarodowymi. Uwagi do recenzji prof. dra hab. Andrzeja Gałganka
No full textSpołeczne konteksty w badaniach na stosunkami międzynarodowymi. Uwagido recenzji prof. dra hab. Andrzeja Gałgank
Politologia wobec feminizmu a feminizm wobec politologii
No full textThe paper discusses the issue of the complex relationship between political science as a branch of academia and modern trends in feminism, understood as a collection of mutually related ideologies. The author emphasizes that both science and ideology are forms of politi- cal practice exercised in the same social and political reality. However, they are fundamen- tally different with respect to the hierarchy of their functions. The ‘clash’ of these two products of human activity produces political science on women and the politological analysis of feminism (subjected first and foremost to the scientific function) on the one hand, and various proposals of feminist modifications of political science that produce feministically re- formed political science and gynocentric political science (where the scientific function is subjected to social objectives) on the other.The paper discusses the issue of the complex relationship between political science as a branch of academia and modern trends in feminism, understood as a collection of mutually related ideologies. The author emphasizes that both science and ideology are forms of politi- cal practice exercised in the same social and political reality. However, they are fundamen- tally different with respect to the hierarchy of their functions. The ‘clash’ of these two products of human activity produces political science on women and the politological analysis of feminism (subjected first and foremost to the scientific function) on the one hand, and various proposals of feminist modifications of political science that produce feministically re- formed political science and gynocentric political science (where the scientific function is subjected to social objectives) on the other
Procesy zmian w nauce - wpływ władzy i rynku
Get PDFThe paper describes the problems associated with the development of universities and higher education on a global scale and based on the example of Poland. To illustrate the subject, the research focuses on: (1) the idea of university autonomy and elitism from a historical and contemporary perspective, (2) the delusion of elitism and social advancement of education which is attributed to it, (3) the myth of flexibility of education generated among others by politicians. The text indicates the main processes in academia: (1) centuries long removal of the autonomy of universities, (2) the ‘humanistic ethos’ of universities is also removed, (3) universities are transformed into ‘vocational colleges’, (4) higher education is developed as one of the service sectors, (5) universities are transformed into institutions responsible for the labour market, (6) universities are entered in the ‘logic of the free market’, (7), the number of the educated is increasing, (8) the fetishisation of education, (9) the myth of flexibility of education and the its multifunctionality in the context of limited absorption capacity of the labour.W tekście podjęto problematykę związaną z rozwojem uniwersytetów i szkolnictwa wyższego w wymiarze globalnym i na przykładzie Polski. Dla zobrazowania podjętego problemu skupiono się na: (1) idei autonomii i elitaryzmu uczelni w perspektywie historycznej i współczesnej, (2) ułudzie elitaryzmu wykształcenia i awansu społecznego jaki się jemu przypisuje, (3) micie elastyczności wykształcenia generowanego m.in. przez polityków. W tekście wskazano na główne procesy zachodzące w nauce: (1) z wiekami następowało znoszenie autonomii uniwersytetów, (2) usuwany jest “humanistyczny etos” uniwersytetów, (3) uniwersytety przekształcane są w “wyższe szkoły zawodowe”, (4) szkolnictwo wyższe rozwijane jest jako jeden z sektorów usług, (5) uniwersytety przekształcane są w instytucje odpowiedzialne za rynek pracy, (6) uniwersytety wpisywane są w “logikę działania wolnego rynku”, (7) wzrasta liczba wykształconych, (8) następuje fetyszyzacja wykształcenia, (9) podtrzymywany jest mit elastyczności wykształcenia i wielokierunkowości w kontekście ograniczonej chłonności rynku pracy, (10) rozwijane są systemy odpłatności za studia w szkolnictwie publicznym
Władza ludu czy elit politycznych? Próba zdefiniowania współczesnej demokracji
No full textTaking into consideration the etymology of the concept, it seems obvious that democracy stands for the power of the people. It needs to be borne in mind, however, that the concept of democracy was coined in Antiquity and served to describe the political reality at the time. The premises and practice of modern democratic states have considerably diverted from the ancient model. It therefore seems justifiable to ask whether democracy continues to stand for the power of the people. From the point of view of Ch. W. Mills, for instance, the power of the people is an idealistic intention and a noble postulate rather than a realistically achievable political phenomenon. He is not alone in this opinion. Therefore, the question arises of how to define modern democracy. Bearing in mind the considerable variety of current democratic states, it can be assumed that modern democracy is a system where the authorities are publicly accountable to the citizens, who act by means of elected representatives that compete and cooperate with one another. In other words, democracy is the power of a political elite controlled by the people via cyclical, competitive elections. Direct democracy needs to be highlighted here, as it is considerably closer to the etymology of the word ‘democracy’ and its Greek roots. Apart from Switzerland, however, the instruments of direct democracy are tools construed not for the citizens but rather for an opposition that can use them in order to build their position. In this manner the institutions that, by definition, should belong to the citizens have become instruments used by the political elite.Taking into consideration the etymology of the concept, it seems obvious that democracy stands for the power of the people. It needs to be borne in mind, however, that the concept of democracy was coined in Antiquity and served to describe the political reality at the time. The premises and practice of modern democratic states have considerably diverted from the ancient model. It therefore seems justifiable to ask whether democracy continues to stand for the power of the people. From the point of view of Ch. W. Mills, for instance, the power of the people is an idealistic intention and a noble postulate rather than a realistically achievable political phenomenon. He is not alone in this opinion. Therefore, the question arises of how to define modern democracy. Bearing in mind the considerable variety of current democratic states, it can be assumed that modern democracy is a system where the authorities are publicly accountable to the citizens, who act by means of elected representatives that compete and cooperate with one another. In other words, democracy is the power of a political elite controlled by the people via cyclical, competitive elections. Direct democracy needs to be highlighted here, as it is considerably closer to the etymology of the word ‘democracy’ and its Greek roots. Apart from Switzerland, however, the instruments of direct democracy are tools construed not for the citizens but rather for an opposition that can use them in order to build their position. In this manner the institutions that, by definition, should belong to the citizens have become instruments used by the political elite
Anna Potyrała, Unia Europejska wobec międzynarodowych sądów karnych. Geneza, istota i praktyka współpracy, Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM, Poznań 2012, pp. 344. Dieter Fuchs, Hans-Dieter Klingemann (eds.), Cultural Diversity, European Identity and the Legitimacy of the EU, Edward Elgar Publishing 2011, pp. 269.
No full textLegitymizacja władzy Unii Europejskiej - wybrane aspekty instytucjonalno-proceduralne
Get PDFBeing a specific intemational organization, the European Union enjoys a particularly extensive range of powers, while the laws enacted within its framework have legał conseąuences not only for EU member states, but their citizens as well. Understood in this manner, the \u27sovereign activity’ of the EU has an extensive scope. This study is focused on issues related to the naturę of the legitimization of the EU’s authority as concems its procedural and institutional aspects. The issues of who institutionally wields power at EU level and what relations occur between the ‘ camera’ of EU authority, as well as whether the decision-making processes and the scope of individual institutions in this matter might be perceived as factors legitimizing the European Union’s democratic character, are discussed from the point of view of the institutional and procedural aspects of decision-making at EU level. Key issues pertaining to the topics of EU authority, institutional actors and decision-making processes within the European Union are indicated.Unia Europejska jako specyficzna organizacja międzynarodowa dysponuje szczególnie szerokim zakresem kompetencji zaś stanowione w jej ramach akty wiążące wywołują skutki prawne nie tylko względem państw członkowskich, lecz również wobec ich obywateli. Rozumiana w ten sposób „działalność władcza” UE ma zatem szeroki wymiar. Niniejsze opracowanie koncentruje się wokół zagadnień związanych z charakterem legitymizacji władzy UE w świetle aspektów proceduralno- instytucjonalnych. Kto, w wymiarze instytucjonalnym, piastuje władzę na szczeblu unijnym, jakie relacje zachodzą między „nosicielami” unijnej władzy i czy konstrukcja procesów decyzyjnych w UE wraz z zakresem partycypacji poszczególnych instytucji w tej materii może być postrzegana jako czynnik legitymizujący Unię „w kierunku” demokracji? Problemy te zostaną omówione przez pryzmat instytucjonalnych i proceduralnych aspektów podejmowania decyzji na szczeblu unijnym. Zaznaczone i zasygnalizowane zostaną wątki kluczowe w odniesieniu do kwestii: unijnej władzy, aktorów instytucjonalnych oraz procesów podejmowania decyzji w ramach Unii Europejskiej