Przegląd Politologiczny
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    Politologia – nauka w drodze

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    The paper presents the thesis that the interdisciplinarity of political science as a science, open to the accomplishments in the field of social sciences and humanities enriches this disci- pline. On the one hand, the enormous expansion of knowledge enforces specialization. On the other hand, there is a constant exchange of thought and methodological experience that takes place for fear of becoming isolated. Globalization – the new quality of international life – forces us to continuously exceed the limits of traditional theoretical orientations. Scientific pluralism raises the question of who and when has the right to decide on the superiority of one scientific model over another. The present state of research into the status of political science allows us to observe that the research instruments of politics, the process of permanently changing the world, must be flexible. The history of the social sciences confirms the continu- ous interdependency of particular disciplines and acknowledges political science as an impor- tant link in the chain of evolution of science.The paper presents the thesis that the interdisciplinarity of political science as a science, open to the accomplishments in the field of social sciences and humanities enriches this disci- pline. On the one hand, the enormous expansion of knowledge enforces specialization. On the other hand, there is a constant exchange of thought and methodological experience that takes place for fear of becoming isolated. Globalization – the new quality of international life – forces us to continuously exceed the limits of traditional theoretical orientations. Scientific pluralism raises the question of who and when has the right to decide on the superiority of one scientific model over another. The present state of research into the status of political science allows us to observe that the research instruments of politics, the process of permanently changing the world, must be flexible. The history of the social sciences confirms the continu- ous interdependency of particular disciplines and acknowledges political science as an impor- tant link in the chain of evolution of science

    Na tronie i obok tronu. O kobietach w życiu publicznym Polski przedrozbiorowej

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    The royal throne was a permanent element of feudal political culture, and the institution of the monarchy, albeit decidedly less significant, has survived until today, playing a primarily symbolic role in the democratic systems in Europe. The subject of the paper looks at the role of Polish rulers’ wives, as the majority of monarchs started a family, and their offspring later took the throne. This was the case of both great dynasties – the Piasts, from the mid-10th century, i.e. from the baptism of Mieszko I, and the Jagiellons (until 1572). After these dynasties ended, the period of elective kings, who were crowned with their wives, started. Over the years, at the very least, the informal role of the queens was growing. This process paved the way to women’s liberation, and, as of the end of the 18th century, it also encompassed the families of magnates and affluent gentry. A meaningful statement can be found in the poetry written by Bishop Ignacy Krasicki in the latter half of the same century, when he addressed men saying: “we rule the world, and women rule us”. The paper is only a sketch and promises a more in-depth monographic study.The royal throne was a permanent element of feudal political culture, and the institution of the monarchy, albeit decidedly less significant, has survived until today, playing a primarily symbolic role in the democratic systems in Europe. The subject of the paper looks at the role of Polish rulers’ wives, as the majority of monarchs started a family, and their offspring later took the throne. This was the case of both great dynasties – the Piasts, from the mid-10th century, i.e. from the baptism of Mieszko I, and the Jagiellons (until 1572). After these dynasties ended, the period of elective kings, who were crowned with their wives, started. Over the years, at the very least, the informal role of the queens was growing. This process paved the way to women’s liberation, and, as of the end of the 18th century, it also encompassed the families of magnates and affluent gentry. A meaningful statement can be found in the poetry written by Bishop Ignacy Krasicki in the latter half of the same century, when he addressed men saying: “we rule the world, and women rule us”. The paper is only a sketch and promises a more in-depth monographic study

    Perspektywy i wyzwania demokracji na przykładzie liberalnego nurtu islamu

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    The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam

    Lobbing jako instrument partycypacji społeczeństwa w realizacji zasad państwa demokratycznego

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    The purpose of this paper is to indicate the role and importance of lobbying as a form of ac- tive participation in the decision-making process of entities interested in a given outcome of this process. Lobbying involves business circles, political deputies and potential addressees of the solutions to be enacted, therefore this form of civic activity has attracted increasing interest. Parties involved frequently establish certain organizational structures in order to initiate the activity of authorized entities and involve them in the decision-making process by expressing their approval or disapproval for legislative initiatives. The methods and instruments applied to exert influence are supposed to persuade the decision makers of the necessity to maintain the current solutions, or to inspire changes, but they primarily increase civic consciousness as regards the opportunity for active protection of one’s particular interests

    Kazachstan jako obecny przewodniczący OBWE – rok 2010: nowa rola średnich państw w podejmowaniu globalnych decyzji strategicznych na podstawie konsensusu

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    The paper concerns the issue of Kazakhstan presiding over the OSCE this year, and the issue of the role played by medium-sized states in the contemporary architecture of international relations. As the interests of global players continue to clash incessantly, medium-sized states are forced to make increased efforts to build a safer and more stable world. The author uses the example of Kazakhstan to analyze the role of medium-sized states, which can be compared to that played by small and medium-sized enterprises in building an efficient and stable economy. The small and medium-sized states are increasingly appreciated on an international scale in various areas. Kazakhstan is consistently working to achieve its goals, not only at present within the OSCE, but as a future head of other organizations, many of which have been established on Kazakhstan’s initiative; the country has always been distinguished by its international activity. Many of these initiatives have been successfully implemented by the OSCE itself. The above-mentioned organizations include the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), International Organization of Turkic Culture, and the Permanent Council of Ministers of Culture of the International Organization of Turkic Speaking States (TURKSOY). It is important to include the new independent states in the common ideology of the development of market economies and democratic institutions. As a regional leader in Central Asia, Kazakhstan is better prepared to implement this mission than other states. Not all Kazakhstan’s initiatives fall within a purely European framework. As the country is located at the cusp of Europe and Asia, its government pays constant attention to Euro-Asian issues, all the more so as, after its presidency of the OSCE, Kazakhstan will chair the Organization of the Islamic Conference in 2011

    O schematach ujmowania bliskiej i dalszej przeszłości. W kręgu metodologicznej refleksji historyczno-teoriopolitycznej

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    The author considers the manners of discussing the past that result from an analysis of recent publications, celebrations of anniversaries, or conferences, which concern the prerequisites and uniqueness of the political transformation started in 1989. They very frequently bridge the time between the interwar period and the time following the ‘round table,’ implying an ideological and political connection between them, while bypassing the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The perception of the past in this particular manner converges with the ideological and political trends dominating in recent Polish politics. They are exemplified by the following:1. Glorification of the interwar period. This trend officially emerged in 1989 accompanying the political transformations and has since intensified and weakened alternately. On the one hand, it is a manifestation of a kind of schizophrenia, on the other, it signifies a conscious resorting to myths, as well as the manipulation of the past;2. Disparagement of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, mixing the truth with half-truths and falsehoods. This is done for the benefit of uneducated recipients, whereas among the intelligentsia stereotypes of totalitarianism, communism, and post-communism prevail;3. Contrasting the period after 1989 with the period of the Polish People’s Republic. As was the case in the ancien régime, there prevails a tendency to disrupt developmental continuity. The Polish People’s Republic is a ‘black hole’ in Polish history. Secondly, in contrast to the historical truth, the 1989 breakthrough appears as an event in which the ancien régime had a minute or no contribution whatsoever; alternatively this is presented as a factor that delayed the ‘true’ overthrow. This manipulation falls inside the scope of activities of the ‘Ministry of Truth’ from Orwell’s 1984. General conclusions. There is a lack of reflection, which remains in contrast to the requirements of objective description and the analysis of political phenomena and processes, an insufficient knowledge of political doctrines, a cognitive laziness, conformism and Fabianism, an intellectual avoidance of more profound analysis, a succumbing to the power of ‘political correctness,’ and a ‘herd instinct’ which epitomizes approaches to discussing both the immediate and distant past referred to in the paper.The author considers the manners of discussing the past that result from an analysis of recent publications, celebrations of anniversaries, or conferences, which concern the prerequisites and uniqueness of the political transformation started in 1989. They very frequently bridge the time between the interwar period and the time following the ‘round table,’ implying an ideological and political connection between them, while bypassing the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The perception of the past in this particular manner converges with the ideological and political trends dominating in recent Polish politics. They are exemplified by the following:1. Glorification of the interwar period. This trend officially emerged in 1989 accompanying the political transformations and has since intensified and weakened alternately. On the one hand, it is a manifestation of a kind of schizophrenia, on the other, it signifies a conscious resorting to myths, as well as the manipulation of the past;2. Disparagement of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, mixing the truth with half-truths and falsehoods. This is done for the benefit of uneducated recipients, whereas among the intelligentsia stereotypes of totalitarianism, communism, and post-communism prevail;3. Contrasting the period after 1989 with the period of the Polish People’s Republic. As was the case in the ancien régime, there prevails a tendency to disrupt developmental continuity. The Polish People’s Republic is a ‘black hole’ in Polish history. Secondly, in contrast to the historical truth, the 1989 breakthrough appears as an event in which the ancien régime had a minute or no contribution whatsoever; alternatively this is presented as a factor that delayed the ‘true’ overthrow. This manipulation falls inside the scope of activities of the ‘Ministry of Truth’ from Orwell’s 1984. General conclusions. There is a lack of reflection, which remains in contrast to the requirements of objective description and the analysis of political phenomena and processes, an insufficient knowledge of political doctrines, a cognitive laziness, conformism and Fabianism, an intellectual avoidance of more profound analysis, a succumbing to the power of ‘political correctness,’ and a ‘herd instinct’ which epitomizes approaches to discussing both the immediate and distant past referred to in the paper

    The Melanesian Spearhead Group in terms of Indonesia’s interest

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    This qualitative study aims to encompass Indonesia’s interest in seeking to join the MSG (Melanesian Spearhead Group). An in-depth interview was carried out with the Director of Directorate General of Asia, Pacific, and Africa under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia aiming to obtain valid data supported by literature reviews. The findings indicate that Indonesia’s attempts to join the MSG or Melanesian intergovernmental organizations basically aim to maintain domestic stability which, in this context, refers to closing down separatist movements that still exist in Indonesia, such as the FPM (Free Papua Movement), that explicitly receive international support from Melanesian countries sharing the same racial background. In an effort to preserve the country’s sovereignty, Indonesia, in the era of President Joko Widodo, strives to join the MSG to prevent the Melanesian intergovernmental organization from supporting such separatist groups, which from Indonesia’s perspective could disrupt the unity of the Republic of Indonesia

    System zarządzania kryzysami Unii Europejskiej – znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego

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    The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation

    Młodzi Polacy: Niezagospodarowana polityczna “nisza”

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    Observation of the political life in contemporary Poland leads to the conclusion that young people and their problems remain on the sidelines of communication and the decision-making processes that are initiated by the leading political parties. Young citizens are rarely the addressees of political offers, and their problems, interests, and aspirations rarely become the pivot of political disputes or the content of political discourse. Young citizens perceive the general lack of interest in their matters and point to it as one of the most important criticisms of the political class in Poland. In the article, the author presents the results of a national survey conducted among Polish students in the first half of 2012. They clearly demonstrate that the younger generation still constitutes a vast and underdeveloped political ‘niche’.Obserwacja życia politycznego we współczesnej Polsce prowadzi do wniosku, że młodzi ludzie, wraz ze swoimi problemami, pozostają na marginesie komunikacji i procesów decyzyjnych inicjowanych przez najważniejsze partie polityczne. Młody człowiek rzadziej bywa adresatem politycznych ofert, a problemy, interesy i aspiracje tej grupy ludzi rzadziej stają się osią politycznych sporów i treścią politycznych dyskursów. Młodzi obywatele dostrzegają ten brak wyraźnego zainteresowania ich sprawami i czynią z niego jeden z ważniejszych argumentów krytycznych wobec klasy politycznej. Autor prezentuje w artykule wyniki badania ankietowego zrealizowanego wśród polskich studentów w pierwszej połowie 2012 roku. W skazują one, że młode pokolenie stanowi wciąż wielką niezagospodarowaną polityczną “niszę”

    Fututrologia i heurystuka (z posthumanistyka w tle). Wybrane zagadnienia

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    Forecasting social phenomena can, in many ways, be difficult. The reason is that it is the nature of these phenomena to be closely and multilaterally linked with physical, biological, and other social phenomena. The main aim of this article is to present selected problems related to futurology. Although various research methods are presented in this text, the main focus was put to heuristic methods (their development, rules, ways of application ect.).Prognozowanie zjawisk społecznych bywa pod wieloma względami utrudnione. Wynika to stąd, że w naturze tych zjawisk tkwi silne i wielostronne powiązanie z innymi zjawiskami społecznymi; ale nie tylko - także fizycznymi czy biologicznymi. Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów, z jakimi borykają się aktualnie - zwłaszcza w naukach społecznych (w tym także w naukach politycznych) - futurolodzy. Choć artykuł przedstawia różne metody badawcze, ich klasyfikacje itd.. to skoncentrowano się przede wszystkim na metodach heurystycznych: ich genezie, zasadach, sposobie wykorzystania

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