Przegląd Politologiczny
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Towards authoritarianism. Internal situation in the Slovak Republic (1994-1998)
Get PDFThis article discusses the internal situation of the Slovak Republic in the years 1994-1998, the period in which the country was governed by the coalition of Movement for Democratic Slovakia, the Slovak National Party and the Slovak Workers’ Association, and the prime minister was Vladimir Meciar. The main objective of the research was to analyse the actions undertaken by the coalition government in the context of violations of civil and political rights and freedoms, which could indicate an authoritarian way of exercising power and the dismantling of a democratic state of law. In the analysed period, the role of the parliamentary and nonparliamentary opposition was marginalised, the role of the media limited, the rights of national and ethnic minorities violated. There was also an ongoing, sharp conflict between Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar and President Michal Kovac. The effect of this governance was the union of almost all political forces and seizure of power after the elections in 1998. In order to answer the research questions, the author used the method of institutional and legal analysis, decision analysis and the statistical method. The research confirmed the hypothesis that, against the background of other Visegrad Group countries, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, in the case of Slovakia there were many instances of human rights violations in the period analysed. This led to the drastic deterioration of bilateral relations with many countries and the slowdown of Slovakia’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union
Współczesne stosunki polsko-rosyjskie: uwarunkowania, problemy, implikacje
No full textContemporary Polish-Russian relations are examined, taking into consideration the broad internal conditions in Poland and in Russia. Negative mutual stereotypes prevail in both countries, shaped in the course of a complicated history of mutual relations, while the concepts of international policies in both states are underdeveloped and divergent. Polish-Russian relations are increasingly more influenced by external conditions, such as the profound change Europe is going through and the evolution of the entire international order. The most important modern issues in Polish-Russian relations concern the persistent differences in the perception of the history of mutual relations, dissimilar concepts of the European security system, and energy security. The conditions of relations between Poland and Russia affect Poland’s ability to pursue its international interests in many areas: in relations with Russia and the CIS, in the forum of international organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE and the UN), in relations with Poland’s closest allies and partners (Germany, France, U.S. and Ukraine). Finally, Polish-Russian relations influence the position and international role of Poland, limiting it when these relations are bad or augmenting it when they are good. Since late 2007 Poland has been trying to conduct a pragmatic policy and normalize its relations with Russia. In general, Polish-Russian reconciliation seems feasible.Contemporary Polish-Russian relations are examined, taking into consideration the broad internal conditions in Poland and in Russia. Negative mutual stereotypes prevail in both countries, shaped in the course of a complicated history of mutual relations, while the concepts of international policies in both states are underdeveloped and divergent. Polish-Russian relations are increasingly more influenced by external conditions, such as the profound change Europe is going through and the evolution of the entire international order. The most important modern issues in Polish-Russian relations concern the persistent differences in the perception of the history of mutual relations, dissimilar concepts of the European security system, and energy security. The conditions of relations between Poland and Russia affect Poland’s ability to pursue its international interests in many areas: in relations with Russia and the CIS, in the forum of international organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE and the UN), in relations with Poland’s closest allies and partners (Germany, France, U.S. and Ukraine). Finally, Polish-Russian relations influence the position and international role of Poland, limiting it when these relations are bad or augmenting it when they are good. Since late 2007 Poland has been trying to conduct a pragmatic policy and normalize its relations with Russia. In general, Polish-Russian reconciliation seems feasible
Integracja polityczna Polaków na emigracji. Polonia w Austrii – studium przypadku
Get PDFThe main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the ‘visiting’ citizens in the political life of the ‘host’ state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors’ own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the ‘visiting’ citizens in the political life of the ‘host’ state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors’ own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria
Analiza i ocena pakietu legislacyjnego Komisji Europejskiej oraz stanowiska polskiego Ministerstwa Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Wsi dotyczących kształtu Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej Unii Europejskiej po 2013 roku
Get PDFThe Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union plays a particular role in the process of European integration and the implementation of numerous community goals that go beyond the traditional functions of agriculture, associated with the production of food, and concern the multifunctional development of rural territories. The CAP played the main role in enlarging the EU, by incorporating the twelve new states from Central and Eastern Europe by means of ensuring their smooth integration into the common market and facilitating the accelerated adaptation, modernization and restructurization of the agricultural and food sectors, as well as the non-agricultural fields of the socio-economic and cultural activation of rural populations. The EU’s agricultural and rural policy continues to undergo evolutionary transformation, and its shape in the new 2014–202 financial perspective is of vital and justified interest for Poland. The paper presents the latest proposals of the European Commission in this respect, presented on October 12, 2011, the Polish official negotiating position and the author’s assessments, opinions and predictions.The Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union plays a particular role in the process of European integration and the implementation of numerous community goals that go beyond the traditional functions of agriculture, associated with the production of food, and concern the multifunctional development of rural territories. The CAP played the main role in enlarging the EU, by incorporating the twelve new states from Central and Eastern Europe by means of ensuring their smooth integration into the common market and facilitating the accelerated adaptation, modernization and restructurization of the agricultural and food sectors, as well as the non-agricultural fields of the socio-economic and cultural activation of rural populations. The EU’s agricultural and rural policy continues to undergo evolutionary transformation, and its shape in the new 2014–202 financial perspective is of vital and justified interest for Poland. The paper presents the latest proposals of the European Commission in this respect, presented on October 12, 2011, the Polish official negotiating position and the author’s assessments, opinions and predictions
Robert Traba, Przyszłość w teraźniejszości. Polskie spory o historię na początku XXI wieku, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, Poznań 2009, ss. 325.
No full textRobert Traba, Przyszłość w teraźniejszości. Polskie spory o historię na początku XXI wieku, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, Poznań 2009, ss. 325.Robert Traba, Przyszłość w teraźniejszości. Polskie spory o historię na początku XXI wieku, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, Poznań 2009, ss. 325
20 lat trzeciego sektora w Polsce – doświadczenia i perspektywy
Get PDFYear 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of ‘grass-root’ initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society’s self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems
Sytuacja kobiet na rynku pracy w Polsce
Get PDFThe situation of women in the labor market in Poland depends on numerous complex micro- and macroeconomic factors. It results from the economic condition of the country and the global economic situation. It is a product of decisions made on a micro level as a result of macro circumstances. When discussing the employment market it should be borne in mind that it is not an ordinary market, such as the market for wellington boots or that of strawber- ries. The ‘product’ here is a human being and an ‘excess’ in the labor market creates a certain unfavorable outcome, namely unemployment. Just as an excess in the supply of wellingtons or strawberries leads to a drop in price, in the labor market it means cuts in salaries or stopping paychecks. That is why one of the tasks of the government is to provide people with the basic opportunity to get a job and earn money. Why then should the state react to the turbulence in the labor market when it does not necessarily have to do so in other markets? The answer is simply that wellingtons and strawberries do not have to provide for themselves and the family.The situation of women in the labor market in Poland depends on numerous complex micro- and macroeconomic factors. It results from the economic condition of the country and the global economic situation. It is a product of decisions made on a micro level as a result of macro circumstances. When discussing the employment market it should be borne in mind that it is not an ordinary market, such as the market for wellington boots or that of strawber- ries. The ‘product’ here is a human being and an ‘excess’ in the labor market creates a certain unfavorable outcome, namely unemployment. Just as an excess in the supply of wellingtons or strawberries leads to a drop in price, in the labor market it means cuts in salaries or stopping paychecks. That is why one of the tasks of the government is to provide people with the basic opportunity to get a job and earn money. Why then should the state react to the turbulence in the labor market when it does not necessarily have to do so in other markets? The answer is simply that wellingtons and strawberries do not have to provide for themselves and the family
Politologii polskiej meandry
Get PDFThe paper contains the author’s attempt to review the history of Polish political science from World War II to the present day, its condition and characteristics. The progress political science has made in Poland has been crowned by its achieving the status of a rightful science, recognized by the representatives of numerous renowned fields of study. However, the factors that have contributed to the present status quo have also been administrative, even political. Yet these have neither determined the place of political science nor are they decisive in terms of its status in academia now. The stage of demonstrating its scientific status is already behind political science which, firstly, has demonstrated a clearly defined range of research issues, secondly, has undertaken significant research and arrived at valuable conclusions, and thirdly, has attracted competent, increasingly more versatile and thoroughly educated professionals. At present, political science is facing the challenges reminiscent of those faced by the remaining social sciences. In these terms, political science has not reached the limits of its transformation or capacity
Ewolucja amerykańskiego modelu rynku pracy
Get PDFThe model of labor market policy is closely related to the form and structure of the socio-economic model operating in a given country at a given time. It has undergone numer- ous transformations in the course of the development of capitalism. Its doctrine mainly origi- nated from the trends of classical, and then neo-classical economics. In the 20th century, the US market economy was frequently influenced by interventionist concepts, though. Owing to the New Deal and Keynesian policy, the US model of a labor mar- ket has become more redistributive, less flexible and subject to various forms of state influ- ence. Interventionist policies implemented during World War II and over the following twenty years led to ‘full employment’ accompanied by the curbing of income disparities in so- ciety. The worsened situation of the labor market during the period of stagflation of the 1970s re- sulted in the victory of a fiscal neo-conservatist concept, represented by the Republicans with Ronald Reagan. The years of the Reagan administration marked the restoration of liberal solutions in labor market policy. Reaganomics limited workers’ rights, improving the situation of employers and significantly reducing labor costs. These changes stabilized the situation in terms of the balance between the supply and demand for labor, simultaneously strongly increasing the in- come polarization of US society and negatively affecting employment standards.The model of labor market policy is closely related to the form and structure of the socio-economic model operating in a given country at a given time. It has undergone numer- ous transformations in the course of the development of capitalism. Its doctrine mainly origi- nated from the trends of classical, and then neo-classical economics. In the 20th century, the US market economy was frequently influenced by interventionist concepts, though. Owing to the New Deal and Keynesian policy, the US model of a labor mar- ket has become more redistributive, less flexible and subject to various forms of state influ- ence. Interventionist policies implemented during World War II and over the following twenty years led to ‘full employment’ accompanied by the curbing of income disparities in so- ciety. The worsened situation of the labor market during the period of stagflation of the 1970s re- sulted in the victory of a fiscal neo-conservatist concept, represented by the Republicans with Ronald Reagan. The years of the Reagan administration marked the restoration of liberal solutions in labor market policy. Reaganomics limited workers’ rights, improving the situation of employers and significantly reducing labor costs. These changes stabilized the situation in terms of the balance between the supply and demand for labor, simultaneously strongly increasing the in- come polarization of US society and negatively affecting employment standards
Negotiations with Terrorist Organizations for the Release of Abductees: Between Declarations and Practice. The Israeli Case
Get PDFFor decades, democratic countries have dealt with terrorist attacks carried out for the purpose of negotiations, which is the preferred modus operandi for some terrorist organizations. To what extent can a democratic regime effectively combat this abominable act while preserving a liberal or democratic character? Furthermore, these cases have become one of the most complicated dilemmas in both domestic and foreign policy. The prevalent opinion is that it is not possible to avoid meeting some of the demands of these terrorists. A government may even consent to paying a heavy price, so as to end the situation sooner. Media coverage influences this price, as extensive coverage of the terrorist attacks benefits the terrorists and thus increases their bargaining power. In contrast to the declarations of Israeli leaders in negotiations in cases of abduction, Israel has adopted a very flexible approach and is not interested in adopting the rigid approach of refusal to negotiate. The position of the opponents to negotiations with terrorist organizations is that the very negotiations with terrorist organizations legitimize them and the terrorist attacks, thus devaluing claims that terrorism is not a legitimate means of achieving one’s aims, and prevents the use of force in these situations. When all the prisoner exchange deals by the State of Israel are examined, approximately 7,500 terrorists have been released in the framework of the different deals, including terrorists with blood on their hands, in return for 14 living soldiers and civilians and 6 bodies of soldiers. A total of 1,027 terrorists were released in the Shalit deal alone