Przegląd Politologiczny
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Europejskie koncepcje samorządu terytorialnego
Get PDFTerritorial self-government is one of the fundamental institutions of a modern democratic state of law. There are numerous European traditions of self-government that have produced different concepts and, consequently, different theories of territorial self-government. The most important ones include the naturalist, state, and political theories. Each of them shows a different picture of the origin, essence and the scope of legal personality a territorial self-government has, of local communities, the position of the administrative unit of the commune and higher units. Depending on the concept one chooses, political and organizational solutions are differentiated, as are the tasks of territorial self-government units, the competences of its organs and the authority of state organs to exercise control and supervision. On the basis of the solutions adopted in every country, and at a given level of development of the state, the degree of decentralization of power, the degree of autonomy, self-reliance and independence of territorial self-government is determined
Reprezentacja polskich grup biznesowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej a rzetelne rzecznictwo interesów
Get PDFThe main aim of this paper is to demonstrate what role Polish business groups play at a supranational level. In Poland reliable advocacy of individual interests by Polish business groups brings negative associations, and the lobbying Polish business groups apply is perceived as an unfair way of exerting pressure on the authorities. Therefore, this paper outlines the conceptualization of the network of notions pertaining to Polish business groups. Lobbying is presented as an instrument applied by professional teams of lobbyists in lobbying campaigns aimed at exerting influence in a transparent, substantive and fair manner. The specificity of interest groups and the stages that affect the emergence of individual Polish business groups are also analyzed. The aspect of legal regulations concerning lobbying activity conducted at a national and supranational level is presented. The picture of the organizational structure, the functions business groups have in the Polish and EU law-making process are discussed as well. The paper also shows the forms of influence used by Polish business groups and exemplifies advantageous activities that contribute to the economic development of Poland
System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy
Get PDFThe fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991
A Political Economy of Trans-Border Migration Crises and Human Trafficking in Africa
Get PDFEncouraged by porous border boundaries in Africa, trafficking in persons and objects is a demand-driven global venture that has market potential for: commercial sex, cheap labour, terrorism, and drug-related crimes. Most African States, especially Nigeria, have been reputed as hardliners in encouraging these illicit trends. Chief among the motivating factors include: domestic insecurity, political instability, economic recession, and institutional failure, etc. Amongst other instigating factors however, this paper takes a cursory look at the relationship between the twin crime of trans-border migration crises and human trafficking in Nigeria, and the attendant political economic implications on the Nigerian polity. Data relied on are largely gotten from secondary sources. The paper employs the neoclassical political economic theory of migration. Findings from conceptual and theoretical reviews of literatures show that the incentive for human trafficking and migration-related offences is not only profit driven but also a fall-out from institutional failure. The paper recommends a taut border security, which can disallow border related crimes like drug and human trafficking. The paper also sues for people-oriented leadership that will eschew illicit crimes such as the above
Struktura i uwarunkowania afektywne go komponentu postaw politycznych studentów
Get PDFIt is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited.It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited
Wojciech Jaruzelski, Listy…, Agencja ATM, Warszawa 2010, ss. 459.
Get PDFWojciech Jaruzelski, Listy…, Agencja ATM, Warszawa 2010, ss. 459
Trzy skandale, trzy raporty. Redakcje i ombudsmani prasowi w sytuacjach kryzysowych na przykładach „The Washington Post”, „The New York Times” i „Los Angeles Times”
Get PDFThe paper deals with the issue of the supervision of the media that frequently exceed the standards observed by journalistic circles and their social environments. The direct victims of breaches of deontological principles in the profession and work of journalists primarily involve the recipients, journalistic circles and the reputation of a given medium. There are also indirect consequences, such as a loss of confidence that translates into lower sales or reduced advertising. In the cases that are commonly termed media scandals a crisis situation emerges. The analysis of the problem and the recovery of a tarnished reputation and lost confidence of recipients are usually performed by teams of experienced journalists, appointed ad hoc by edi-torial boards or by press ombudsmen working in the media, which is much less frequent. This paper discusses both scenarios. Three famous scandals have been selected from among many examples. One involves the 1980 case of the journalist Janet Cooke from The Washington Post whose Pulitzer Prize was withdrawn after she admitted that her award-winning story was a fabrication. Another case is the equally high-profile case of The Los Angeles Times from 1999, which marked a conflict of interest, following the publication of a special issue devoted to the sports arena that was being erected in the city at that time. The third scandal occurred in The New York Times in 2003, and concerned mass plagiarism and fabrication of press materi- als by that daily’s reporter, Jason Blair. The attempts to regain reader trust involved, among other things, the publication of reports drawn up by specially appointed teams of press ombudsmen.The paper deals with the issue of the supervision of the media that frequently exceed the standards observed by journalistic circles and their social environments. The direct victims of breaches of deontological principles in the profession and work of journalists primarily involve the recipients, journalistic circles and the reputation of a given medium. There are also indirect consequences, such as a loss of confidence that translates into lower sales or reduced advertising. In the cases that are commonly termed media scandals a crisis situation emerges. The analysis of the problem and the recovery of a tarnished reputation and lost confidence of recipients are usually performed by teams of experienced journalists, appointed ad hoc by edi-torial boards or by press ombudsmen working in the media, which is much less frequent. This paper discusses both scenarios. Three famous scandals have been selected from among many examples. One involves the 1980 case of the journalist Janet Cooke from The Washington Post whose Pulitzer Prize was withdrawn after she admitted that her award-winning story was a fabrication. Another case is the equally high-profile case of The Los Angeles Times from 1999, which marked a conflict of interest, following the publication of a special issue devoted to the sports arena that was being erected in the city at that time. The third scandal occurred in The New York Times in 2003, and concerned mass plagiarism and fabrication of press materi- als by that daily’s reporter, Jason Blair. The attempts to regain reader trust involved, among other things, the publication of reports drawn up by specially appointed teams of press ombudsmen
Organizacja, struktura oraz działanie ruchu anty- i alterglobalizacyjnego w państwach Unii Europejskiej
Get PDFThis paper discusses the main notions of the theory of organization and operation of a social movement that has been termed the anti-, and alter-globalization movement since the late 1990s. Its beginnings can be found in the protests of the populations of both Americas, mainly those of Mexico and the US, against a free-trade zone and agreements of states with international organizations. Attention should be paid to the structures the movement has built in European Union states, most closely related to globalization processes. Here both formal structures are encountered, such as the non-government organization Attac, and informal organizations operating on the principles of direct democracy. Formal organizations formulate legal and legitimate statutes and attempt to discuss the issues of globalization at the level of public debate. This is the path chosen by the parties of the so-called ‘new politics’ – prophetic, left-wing and libertarian parties. Informal organizations usually operate along principles of direct action and dialogue inside the movement itself. The key role in the shaping of the organizational structures of the anti-, and alter-globalization movements in Europe is played by the international European Social Forum, which is the venue for annual meetings and debates of different ideological currents
System rządów premierowskich jako nowy typ systemu rządów: casus Wielkiej Brytanii
Get PDFThe paper attempts to address the question of whether the prime ministerial system has already emerged as a separate system of governance that differs from classical systems, and whether it can no longer be treated as a certain sub-class in an extensive range of parliamentary systems, but rather as a new type of system in its own right. The principal issue appears to be whether the inherent properties of the prime ministerial variety of governance are sufficiently distinct, significant and different from the parliamentary system, however broadly understood, to give the former a status of a separate governance system from the methodological point of view. It should be observed that the contemporary British system, which serves as a foundation for our deliberations on the prime ministerial form of governance, has deviated from the classical or typical parliamentary system far enough to actually take the direction of a separate system of governance, namely prime ministerial governance. Firstly, this is evidenced by the removal of the monarch from the political system and establishing executive power as a virtually one-element entity concentrated in the Cabinet, and embodied by its leader. Secondly, the figure of Prime Minister is highly emphasized as he is elected ‘under the guise of common elections’ and he successfully monopolizes the work of his entire Cabinet, becoming a certain ‘trademark’ of this Cabinet, which is well supported by the principle of joint accountability of all Cabinet members, a principle that is exceptionally strictly and consistently implemented in the British system. The ongoing politological processes that tend to presidentialize and personalize politics are only accelerating these changes and making them even more apparent. The consequence in Britain is that it is the Prime Minister who accrues the power to govern and he by no means falls under the principle of classical parliamentary systems, where the government leader is only “the first among equals”. Thirdly, the House of Commons has practically lost its controlling power over the Cabinet, as primarily evidenced in the absence of a vote of no confidence, which would serve as a tool of political accountability of executive power before the legislative, the essence of any form of parliamentary governance. Fourthly, in a highly specific, deeply endemic party system which entails that various links between government and parliament typical of the parliamentary style of democracy are de facto transferred onto the internal party stage, this to an extent also explains the relevance of the division between government and opposition, a division which is neither as clear, nor as far-reaching as in the case of other parliamentary systems. All this allows us to conclude that the British system is sufficiently different to be deemed new in comparison to a typical or classical parliamentary system. The transformations that have taken place there have gone far beyond the proper, or classical, model of parliamentary governance thus forming not only a sub-class, but a separate type (or model) of governance
Samorząd w nauczaniu społecznym Kościoła
No full textThis paper contributes to the deliberations of a doctrinal and comparative nature. It indicates one of the sources providing for the dynamics of the evolution of self-government, the need to promote a new philosophy of self-government, and particularly emphasizes the significance of social personalism. Presentation of this issue allows better comprehension of various aspects of the ideological situation of self-government authorities and local communities