Przegląd Politologiczny
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Globalizacja i jej przeciwnicy
Get PDFOne of the results of the accelerated economic and social development over the last thirty years involves the emergence of social movements that are opposed to globalization. The objective of this paper is to present the main demands of the opponents of globalization, in particular in the context of the asymmetrical development of the parties in international relations. Anti-globalists and alter-globalists oppose the increasing importance of transnational corporations and the gradual shift of the point of gravity in the global economy from sovereign states to institutions of a regional, supraregional or global character. Anti-globalists note the progressing global crisis of legitimization of the democratic system of governance and the threat that it will be replaced by highly institutionalized technocratic structures (WTO, IMF, World Bank, European Commission). The role of anti-globalist and alter-globalist movements is of profound significance at present as they provide opposition to neoliberalism as the binding doctrine in global economy. Calling for the establishment of mechanisms that would provide for fair distribution of goods between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’ they contribute to the internationalization of the idea of collaboration between states thus ensuring that order be maintained in the global economy. Therefore, these movements support the ‘weaker party’ in international business relations – the developing countries. However, there is a negative aspect of their activity, namely they perceive globalization as a process of subordinating the weak by the strong, or – in other words – they refer to the idea of class struggle in the global economic system
Increasing the Effectiveness of EU Education Assistance in Uzbekistan. Revising the EU Strategy in Light of the New Regime
Get PDFThe European Union has identified education in Central Asia as a key area of cooperation. However, the EU’s engagement in this area, which has faced considerable difficulties since the fall of the Soviet Union, has so far not had the desired impact. Based on a case study of Uzbekistan, I argue in this article that the EU should revise its strategy by adopting a more targeted approach, consistent with the longer-term funding it is able to commit to Central Asia and better tailored to the local social context through strong engagement with local stakeholders. Instead of imposing broad concepts designed in Brussels – which have generally not been fully accepted or implemented by local political authorities – this new approach would involve setting up specific projects with local input, such as the opening of campuses of European universities, providing financial and logistical support for school infrastructure, and increasing the involvement of potential employers. With local ownership, EU education assistance will allow a new generation in Uzbekistan to breathe life into long-term reforms by drawing on the European concepts of their instruction, rather than viewing them as imposed from outside
Globalne uwarunkowania wzrostu konkurencyjności Unii Europejskiej w XXI wieku
Get PDFThe paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations.The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations
Tożsamość peryferyjna. Tożsamość centrystyczna. Lokalne i globalne kłopoty z tożsamością
No full textCan one talk about identities corresponding to the periphery-center relation, identities that are an individual aspect of a group’s position on the developmental axis, or that position in the global system of power and authority? It appears that this supposition is not without sense or foundation. A peripheral identity is related to a sense of exclusion, marginalization, being undervalued, inferiority complex, backwardness, being ‘worse’, and isolated. This can inspire various resentments, aggression, hatred, a will to win appreciation at any cost, and retaliation. It can also produce stagnation and resignation, or cause mass migration to the actual or apparent center because ‘life goes on somewhere else’ and one should not waste it in the peripheries,doomed to an existence without any prospects of positive change. A centrist identity is primarily the political version of ethnocentrism, most frequently tinted with nationalism. The feeling that we are the center of the world may have nothing in common with the geopolitical, cultural or economic reality. Since we are in the center, by definition we are better off, in any aspect that counts. A centrist identity identifies the group interest with the global interest, and it ignores the interests of the peripheries, which tend to be despised. The tendency to treat other cultures as peripheral towards our own is deeply rooted in common thinking, as well as in cultural anthropology. ‘Centrist patriotism’ can transform into chauvinism and lead to a justification for discrimination of the peripheries in many ways.Can one talk about identities corresponding to the periphery-center relation, identities that are an individual aspect of a group’s position on the developmental axis, or that position in the global system of power and authority? It appears that this supposition is not without sense or foundation. A peripheral identity is related to a sense of exclusion, marginalization, being undervalued, inferiority complex, backwardness, being ‘worse’, and isolated. This can inspire various resentments, aggression, hatred, a will to win appreciation at any cost, and retaliation. It can also produce stagnation and resignation, or cause mass migration to the actual or apparent center because ‘life goes on somewhere else’ and one should not waste it in the peripheries,doomed to an existence without any prospects of positive change. A centrist identity is primarily the political version of ethnocentrism, most frequently tinted with nationalism. The feeling that we are the center of the world may have nothing in common with the geopolitical, cultural or economic reality. Since we are in the center, by definition we are better off, in any aspect that counts. A centrist identity identifies the group interest with the global interest, and it ignores the interests of the peripheries, which tend to be despised. The tendency to treat other cultures as peripheral towards our own is deeply rooted in common thinking, as well as in cultural anthropology. ‘Centrist patriotism’ can transform into chauvinism and lead to a justification for discrimination of the peripheries in many ways
Stany Zjednoczone Europy czy Unia Amerykańska?
Get PDFThe paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu’s typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration.The paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu’s typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration
Polskie i europejskie standardy wykonywania wolnych zawodów
Get PDFFor some time Poland has been debating the issue of the existence and functioning of professional corporations. This debate concerns only those professions that are deemed professions of public trust and which have been granted the privilege of developing their respective professional self-governing bodies. European solutions for regulating the issue of such professions are varied and have attracted the attention of the European Union. Contemplating the evolution of the Polish political system in the field of self-governing bodies it is worth paying attention to the European standards regulating the functioning of free professions, which include what are considered professions of public trust in Poland. The said regulations set certain standards for the Polish regulator to be followed and implemented.For some time Poland has been debating the issue of the existence and functioning of professional corporations. This debate concerns only those professions that are deemed professions of public trust and which have been granted the privilege of developing their respective professional self-governing bodies. European solutions for regulating the issue of such professions are varied and have attracted the attention of the European Union. Contemplating the evolution of the Polish political system in the field of self-governing bodies it is worth paying attention to the European standards regulating the functioning of free professions, which include what are considered professions of public trust in Poland. The said regulations set certain standards for the Polish regulator to be followed and implemented
Płynna demokracja
No full textThe advancements in new communication techniques facilitate the political participation of all citizens wishing to exercise it. Various ideas applied by the new media are conducive to the development of civic society and deliberative democracy. The end of the monopoly of traditional, or mainstream media allows altemative discourses to emerge, having formerly been denied presence in the media. Various groups can also emerge to finally participate in public debate. As participation in debate is conditioned on interactivity, the Internet and various platforms serving debating and decision-making are increasingly applied by both businesses and State institutions. Liquid democracy is a way of combining direct democracy with represeiitative democracy. Applications allowing citizens to initiate, track and participate in debate facilitate maximum citizen involvement in public affairs. Therefore, liquid democracy provides an opportunity to implement the ideał of each citizen’s actual participation in the decision- making processes, the lack of which is frequently cited by young people, first and foremost, who feel discouraged from participating in elections. They do not undermine the idea of democracy but contest its current shape and form.Rozwój nowych technik komunikowania umożliwia polityczną partycypację wszystkim obywatelom, którzy wyrażają taką chęć. Rozmaite pomysły wykorzystujące nowe media sprzyjają rozwojowi społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i demokracji deliberatywnej. Przełamanie monopolu mediów tradycyjnych czy mainstreamowych pozwala ujawnić alternatywne dyskursy, którym dotychczas odmawiano miejsca w środkach przekazu. Pozwala to również ujawnić się grupom, które mogą wreszcie uczestniczyć w debacie publicznej. Ponieważ uczestnictwo w debacie warunkowane jest interaktywnością, Internet i rozmaite platformy służące debacie i podejmowaniu decyzji są coraz szerzej stosowane przez przedsiębiorstwa, ale również instytucje państwowe. Płynna demokracja jest pomysłem na połączenie demokracji bezpośredniej z przedstawicielską. Dzięki aplikacjom umożliwiającym obywatelom inicjowanie, śledzenie i udział w debacie osiągnąć można maksymalne zaangażowanie obywateli w sprawy publiczne. Stąd płynna demokracja jest szansą na urzeczywistnienie idei faktycznego udziału każdego obywatela w procesach decyzyjnych, czego brak wskazywany jest teraz często przez zniechęconych do wyborów, zwłaszcza młodych ludzi. Nie podważają oni przecież idei demokracji, a jedynie jej obecną formę i kondycję
„Obok. Polska – Niemcy. 1000 lat historii w sztuce” jako przykład wystawy politycznej
Get PDFThe objective of the paper is to analyze and assess the institutional conditions of the exhibition entitled Side by Side. Poland – Germany. 1000 years of Art and History, organized in Martin-Gropius-Bau in Berlin between September 23, 2011 and January 9, 2012. In terms of the number of works of art presented this undertaking was unprecedented in the history of Polish- German relations. The exhibition, and the catalogue that accompanied it, were a part of the Cultural Program of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council in 2011, becoming an exemplification of the issue of the politicization of exhibition discourse, where works of art are utilized for political purposes. The theoretical inspiration for considering this topic was provided by Peter Vergo’s concept presented in his text The reticent object of 1987. In Vergo’s opinion, exhibitions are a cultural fact which is relatively rarely investigated in terms of the means, efforts, conditions and reasons that are necessary for their execution. And yet these institutional conditions, including their financing, the procedures for selecting the entities in charge of the project, the mechanisms for appoint the program board and honorary patronage have a considerable influence on the nature of the exhibition. Concentrating on institutional contexts serves the purpose of answering the question of how the realms of politics and art exhibitions permeate one another. The decisions made by the authorities to become involved in certain exhibition projects constitute the instruments for creating and executing selected public policies, primarily cultural policy. It is therefore impossible to assess the success of a given initiative without considering the political objectives set and achieved by the organizers of the exhibition Side by Side.The objective of the paper is to analyze and assess the institutional conditions of the exhibition entitled Side by Side. Poland – Germany. 1000 years of Art and History, organized in Martin-Gropius-Bau in Berlin between September 23, 2011 and January 9, 2012. In terms of the number of works of art presented this undertaking was unprecedented in the history of Polish- German relations. The exhibition, and the catalogue that accompanied it, were a part of the Cultural Program of the Polish Presidency in the EU Council in 2011, becoming an exemplification of the issue of the politicization of exhibition discourse, where works of art are utilized for political purposes. The theoretical inspiration for considering this topic was provided by Peter Vergo’s concept presented in his text The reticent object of 1987. In Vergo’s opinion, exhibitions are a cultural fact which is relatively rarely investigated in terms of the means, efforts, conditions and reasons that are necessary for their execution. And yet these institutional conditions, including their financing, the procedures for selecting the entities in charge of the project, the mechanisms for appoint the program board and honorary patronage have a considerable influence on the nature of the exhibition. Concentrating on institutional contexts serves the purpose of answering the question of how the realms of politics and art exhibitions permeate one another. The decisions made by the authorities to become involved in certain exhibition projects constitute the instruments for creating and executing selected public policies, primarily cultural policy. It is therefore impossible to assess the success of a given initiative without considering the political objectives set and achieved by the organizers of the exhibition Side by Side
Unijny system relokacji w sprawozdaniach Komisji Europejskiej. Ocena i perspektywy
Get PDFOn September 26, 2017, the decisions concerning the relocation of persons in clear need of international protection formally ceased to bind. Until that time, out of 160,000 persons, only 29,000 have been relocated. With the application of two academic methods (that of legal analysis and analysis of political decisions), the following research questions are addressed in this paper: (1) what were the reasons of some member states to refuse relocation?; (2) what actions have been taken by the European Commission to persuade member states to fulfill their legal obligations?; (3) what are the consequences of non-compliance with legal obligations to relocate persons in need of international protection? The paper presents an analysis of the European Commission’s monthly reports on relocation. The reasons for member states’ non-compliance with their legal obligations and for their reluctance to reform the EU asylum and immigration policy have been pointed out. The analysis demonstrates that EU member states have given priority to state security, setting aside the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in migration and asylum policies, stipulated in EU treaties.26 września 2017 r. formalnie zakończył się okres obowiązywania decyzji o relokacji osób będących w oczywistej potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej. Z przewidzianych 160 tysięcy, relokacji poddano do tego czasu nieco ponad 29 tysięcy osób. Przy zastosowaniu metody analizy prawnej oraz analizy decyzyjnej, w artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) co było przyczyną odmowy dokonania relokacji przez niektóre państwa członkowskie?; (2) jakie działania podejmowała Komisja Europejska chcąc nakłonić państwa do wypełnienia zobowiązań prawnych?; (3) jakie konsekwencje pociąga za sobą odmowa dokonania relokacji osób, będących w potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej?. W artykule analizie poddano cykliczne sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z funkcjonowania nadzwyczajnego, czasowego mechanizmu relokacji. W toku poprowadzonych rozważań wskazano przyczyny niewywiązywania się przez państwa członkowskie z prawnych zobowiązań oraz przyczyny braku woli dokonania rzeczywistej reformy polityki azylowej i imigracyjnej. Udowodniono, że wyrażone w traktatach zobowiązanie do wspólnych, solidarnych działań w obliczu kryzysów ustąpiło miejsca partykularnym dążeniom do wzmocnienia ochrony terytoriów państwowych