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Dyplomacja Francji: ewolucja relacji na osi władzy Elysee-Matignon w układzie koabitacji
Get PDFThe paper analyzes the decision-making process with respect to foreign policy and defense in the French Fifth Republic. The author discusses the constitutional rights of the President, Prime Minister and Parliament to emphasize that the notion of the exclusive domain (domaine réservé) of the head of the state has no legal grounds. In particular, she stresses the variations in the practice of exercising power in these terms under two distinct political situations: when the president and government are from the same political option, and when they are not. She notes that given the political homogeneity of the President and the majority in the National Assembly, the President, as the actual head of the unified party, becomes the focal point in the creation and implementation of the policies for ‘his’ France, in particular of the country’s foreign policy. This defies the stipulations of Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution, by virtue of which the government, headed by the Prime Minister, “determines and conducts the policy of the nation.” The paper devotes considerable space to an analysis of the political influence of cohabitation, i.e. the coexistence of a President of the Republic and a majority in the National Assembly who represent different political orientations. This characterized the political system of France for nine years (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002) during the evolution of the actual dependency on the Presidential and Prime Ministerial power axis (or the Elysée–Matignon axis, as these state organs are commonly referred to) in the process of shaping and conducting the international and European policy of the state. The role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken into account regarding the outcome of these changeable relations
Muzy Józefa Ignacego Kraszewskiego i Henryka Sienkiewicza
Get PDFThe paper discusses two prominent figures in Polish literature, Józef Ignacy Kraszewski (1812–1887) and Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916), and the role women played in their lives, influencing their works. In the beginning, the author devotes some attention to the role of ‘muses’ and their inspiration to artists from Antiquity to Romanticism. In the analytical part of her paper, she presents the differences between these two masters of the quill. Kraszewski let excessive emotions take the reins in his private life, as a consequence of which he frequently misplaced his affections, suffering considerable disappointments. Sienkiewicz, although highly susceptible to female charms, was more mature, as is well reflected in his works. His life experience influenced the artistic maturity of his female protagonists. Thus, towards the end of his life, he was able to conclude that love was the highest value. The ‘muses’ of this first Polish Nobel laureate in literature exerted a profound influence on the literary profile of the heroines of his greatest novels.The paper discusses two prominent figures in Polish literature, Józef Ignacy Kraszewski (1812–1887) and Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916), and the role women played in their lives, influencing their works. In the beginning, the author devotes some attention to the role of ‘muses’ and their inspiration to artists from Antiquity to Romanticism. In the analytical part of her paper, she presents the differences between these two masters of the quill. Kraszewski let excessive emotions take the reins in his private life, as a consequence of which he frequently misplaced his affections, suffering considerable disappointments. Sienkiewicz, although highly susceptible to female charms, was more mature, as is well reflected in his works. His life experience influenced the artistic maturity of his female protagonists. Thus, towards the end of his life, he was able to conclude that love was the highest value. The ‘muses’ of this first Polish Nobel laureate in literature exerted a profound influence on the literary profile of the heroines of his greatest novels
Życie międzynarodowe rzeczy. Przedmioty luksusu i codziennego użytku w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych
No full textThe paper discusses the potential of objects, broadly understood luxury ‘items’ and necessities, in order to present uneven and combined development as the foundation of the social history of international relations. The author evidences that this approach to ‘objects’ allows us to achieve, at the very least, the following: (1) to observe the single social world which emerges after the division into ‘internal’ and ‘international’ is rejected; (2) to ‘touch’ the international outside the realm that the science of international relations usually associates with international politics; (3) to examine the social history of international relations, abandoning the approach that dominates in traditional historiography where production processes are privileged over consumption processes; (4) to demonstrate how human activities create internationalism. Discussing apparently different processes related to the international life of broadly understood ‘objects’, such as African giraffes, Kashmiri shawls, silk, the importance of English items for the inhabitants of Mutsamudu, or the opera Madame Butterfly the author identifies similar patterns which, although sometimes concealed, demonstrate the consequences of uneven and combined development for the social history of international relations. Prestige goods express affluence, success and power. They are usually objects manufactured from imported raw materials or materials, with limited distribution, which require a significant amount of labor or advanced technology to create. In contrast to everyday necessities, owing to their high value, prestige goods are exchanged over long distances through networks established by the elite. The analysis of manufacturing, exchange and social contexts related to prestige goods constitutes a significant source for understanding the social history of international relations. The examples in the paper present control over these goods as a source of political power. The control of raw materials, production and distribution of prestige goods is perceived as key to maintaining hierarchical social systems. Objects are inescapably related to ideas and practices. Uneven and combined development leads to meetings between people and objects, either opening or closing the space, allowing for their transfer and domestication, or rejection and destruction respectively. Concentration on the analyses of objects outside of modernization models or comparisons between civilizations and the conscious narrowing of perspective offers a tool with a heuristic potential which is interesting in the context of international relations. Comparative observation of objects (‘single’ elements of reality) via cultures undergoing uneven and combined development protects us from historiographic western exceptionalism. It also shows that the division between the ‘internal’ and ‘international’ unjustifiably splits the social world and makes it impossible to understand.The paper discusses the potential of objects, broadly understood luxury ‘items’ and necessities, in order to present uneven and combined development as the foundation of the social history of international relations. The author evidences that this approach to ‘objects’ allows us to achieve, at the very least, the following: (1) to observe the single social world which emerges after the division into ‘internal’ and ‘international’ is rejected; (2) to ‘touch’ the international outside the realm that the science of international relations usually associates with international politics; (3) to examine the social history of international relations, abandoning the approach that dominates in traditional historiography where production processes are privileged over consumption processes; (4) to demonstrate how human activities create internationalism. Discussing apparently different processes related to the international life of broadly understood ‘objects’, such as African giraffes, Kashmiri shawls, silk, the importance of English items for the inhabitants of Mutsamudu, or the opera Madame Butterfly the author identifies similar patterns which, although sometimes concealed, demonstrate the consequences of uneven and combined development for the social history of international relations. Prestige goods express affluence, success and power. They are usually objects manufactured from imported raw materials or materials, with limited distribution, which require a significant amount of labor or advanced technology to create. In contrast to everyday necessities, owing to their high value, prestige goods are exchanged over long distances through networks established by the elite. The analysis of manufacturing, exchange and social contexts related to prestige goods constitutes a significant source for understanding the social history of international relations. The examples in the paper present control over these goods as a source of political power. The control of raw materials, production and distribution of prestige goods is perceived as key to maintaining hierarchical social systems. Objects are inescapably related to ideas and practices. Uneven and combined development leads to meetings between people and objects, either opening or closing the space, allowing for their transfer and domestication, or rejection and destruction respectively. Concentration on the analyses of objects outside of modernization models or comparisons between civilizations and the conscious narrowing of perspective offers a tool with a heuristic potential which is interesting in the context of international relations. Comparative observation of objects (‘single’ elements of reality) via cultures undergoing uneven and combined development protects us from historiographic western exceptionalism. It also shows that the division between the ‘internal’ and ‘international’ unjustifiably splits the social world and makes it impossible to understand
Neokonserwatyzm na tle systemu partyjnego w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki
Get PDFThe indisputable uniqueness of the US’s political system is also reflected in its party system. The exceptional nature of some elements that characterize the most important US political par- ties can be illustrated by presenting the evolution of what is called neoconservative thought. Neoconservative roots reach back to the Democratic Party, yet the implementation of their most important assumptions, in particular in the field of international policy, is strictly related to their changeover to the Republican side. The objective of this paper is therefore to indicate the transi- tion that took place in the US political stage, mainly in the period of the Ronald Reagan adminis- tration, and to determine the modern position of neoconservatism, in particular in the context of the weakened Republican position following the election success of Barack Obama.The indisputable uniqueness of the US’s political system is also reflected in its party system. The exceptional nature of some elements that characterize the most important US political par- ties can be illustrated by presenting the evolution of what is called neoconservative thought. Neoconservative roots reach back to the Democratic Party, yet the implementation of their most important assumptions, in particular in the field of international policy, is strictly related to their changeover to the Republican side. The objective of this paper is therefore to indicate the transi- tion that took place in the US political stage, mainly in the period of the Ronald Reagan adminis- tration, and to determine the modern position of neoconservatism, in particular in the context of the weakened Republican position following the election success of Barack Obama
Obchody dwudziestolecia III Rzeczypospolitej. Próby kształtowania pamięci zbiorowej polskiego społeczeństwa
Get PDFThe paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achieve- ments of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achievements of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic
Samorząd terytorialny jako uczestnik komunikacji społecznej
No full textThe author considers local government as a participant of social communication, mainly by means of its public communications. He emphasizes two fundamental forms of public communication, formal and informal. He touches upon the political foundations of local government information policies, which implement a specific political vision of the authorities. The author concludes by saying that in the field of information policy a unit of local government cannot be treated as a passive executor of statutory tasks (in their formal and legal aspects) but should rather be perceived as an active creator that runs its information policies on the basis of its own local policy (the political and legal aspects).The author considers local government as a participant of social communication, mainly by means of its public communications. He emphasizes two fundamental forms of public communication, formal and informal. He touches upon the political foundations of local government information policies, which implement a specific political vision of the authorities. The author concludes by saying that in the field of information policy a unit of local government cannot be treated as a passive executor of statutory tasks (in their formal and legal aspects) but should rather be perceived as an active creator that runs its information policies on the basis of its own local policy (the political and legal aspects)
Droga polskich kobiet do Parlamentu Europejskiego
Get PDFIn 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women’s movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women’s organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women’s movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women’s initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women’s organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women’s movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women’s organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women’s movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women’s initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women’s organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures
Zrozumieć współczesność, pod red. Grzegorza Babińskiego, Marii Kupiszewskiej, Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, Kraków 2009, ss. 648.
Get PDFZrozumieć współczesność, pod red. Grzegorza Babińskiego, Marii Kupiszewskiej,Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, Kraków 2009, ss. 648
Autoryzacja w praktyce nowych mediów w dobie kryzysu systemu prawa prasowego
Get PDFAssuming that a crisis infers the collapse of old values while the new ones to replace them have not developed yet, one can ponder whether we are witnessing a crisis of press law in Poland or not. Taking into consideration the gravity and scope of criticism of the current press law act and the repeated attempts to alter the existing legal status quo, it could be said that we are facing a permanent crisis in the press law system in Poland, and, consequently, of the whole media policy. The paper tries to verify this hypothesis on the example of one of the elements of the press law, namely that of authorization.Assuming that a crisis infers the collapse of old values while the new ones to replace them have not developed yet, one can ponder whether we are witnessing a crisis of press law in Poland or not. Taking into consideration the gravity and scope of criticism of the current press law act and the repeated attempts to alter the existing legal status quo, it could be said that we are facing a permanent crisis in the press law system in Poland, and, consequently, of the whole media policy. The paper tries to verify this hypothesis on the example of one of the elements of the press law, namely that of authorization
W krzywym zwierciadle: propagandowa funkcja biuletynów samorządowych
Get PDFThe author points out the propagandist function as the main function of local self-government bulletins. These periodicals, published by local self-governments or their budgetary subordinates, frequently provide the main or even the only source of information about community matters, but they have transformed into a local elite’s propaganda tool. Con- sequently, this has led to an obvious limitation in two-way social communication in smaller administrative divisions and to the development of misinformation. As attention has become focused on propagandist activity, the principal objectives of a new social system and communication between the authorities and citizens that were set twenty years ago have been neglected. The paper also discusses the attempts at imposing legal limitations on local self-government publications and initiatives undertaken in this respect