Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
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Matošev Prolog drami Prokletstvo Milana Ogrizovića i Andrije Milčinovića
Get PDFOn 7th May 1907, after publishing the play Prokletstvo in literary magazine „Savremenik”, the censorship approved performing the play in the Croatian national theatre in the theater season 1906/1907 under the condition that it would have passed through some radical changes. However, twenty days later all rehearsals were banned. Authors, Milan Ogrizović and Andrija Milčinović, show their brief union in resisting censorship publishing Prokletstvo into a separate book in year 1907 with Matosʼ Prologue that critically assails the institutions that stopped the play. Content and repercussions of Matosʼ editorial in Prokletstvo are the starting point of this article that outlines the cultural and political situation in Croatia in the first decade of the 20th century.On 7th May 1907, after publishing the play Prokletstvo in literary magazine „Savremenik”, the censorship approved performing the play in the Croatian national theatre in the theater season 1906/1907 under the condition that it would have passed through some radical changes. However, twenty days later all rehearsals were banned. Authors, Milan Ogrizović and Andrija Milčinović, show their brief union in resisting censorship publishing Prokletstvo into a separate book in year 1907 with Matosʼ Prologue that critically assails the institutions that stopped the play. Content and repercussions of Matosʼ editorial in Prokletstvo are the starting point of this article that outlines the cultural and political situation in Croatia in the first decade of the 20th century
Václav Havel: niepolityczny polityk
Get PDFThe article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearlyadmired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearly admired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century
Projekt Matoševa spomenika u Zagrebu godine 1938. s pregledom vrijedne likovne „matošiane”
Get PDFThe paper describes the first organized attempt to erect a monument to A.G. Matoš in Zagreb (1938), an erected monument – Matoš on the bench – made by I. Kozarić (1978), as well as other visual art works inspired by Matoš – portraits, busts, and caricatures. At the end a description of the memorial house of Matoš and other memorials in his born-town Tovarnik is given, with emphasizing of the future activities in the memorial house. Inspired by the important book To the memory of A.G. Matoš, this paper gives an overview of the memorial heritage dedicated to the great poet.The paper describes the first organized attempt to erect a monument to A.G. Matoš in Zagreb (1938), an erected monument – Matoš on the bench – made by I. Kozarić (1978), as well as other visual art works inspired by Matoš – portraits, busts, and caricatures. At the end a description of the memorial house of Matoš and other memorials in his born-town Tovarnik is given, with emphasizing of the future activities in the memorial house. Inspired by the important book To the memory of A.G. Matoš, this paper gives an overview of the memorial heritage dedicated to the great poet
Matošev Cvijet sa raskršća – alegorijom do konfiguracije sebstva
Get PDFFlower from the Crossroads (1902) belongs to the group of Matoš’s symbolistic novellas, rendered by the symbolically coded title, teleogenetic plot, characters as personified abstractions, motive topography (path, crossroads, garden) and especially the name of the protagonist (Solus). The name Solus, as an autofictional figure, contains its own glossary and reading instructions towards the solipsistic narrative matrix, which is supported by the diegetic level of the story through unusual events bordering dream and reality. With the help of the basic guidelines of Paul Ricoeur on storytelling as a hermeneutical mediation of the self and narrative analysis of the story, the main question of the allegorical interpretation in this study is: which model of self is offered by the narrative identity of Solus?Flower from the Crossroads (1902) belongs to the group of Matoš’s symbolistic novellas, rendered by the symbolically coded title, teleogenetic plot, characters as personified abstractions, motive topography (path, crossroads, garden) and especially the name of the protagonist (Solus). The name Solus, as an autofictional figure, contains its own glossary and reading instructions towards the solipsistic narrative matrix, which is supported by the diegetic level of the story through unusual events bordering dream and reality. With the help of the basic guidelines of Paul Ricoeur on storytelling as a hermeneutical mediation of the self and narrative analysis of the story, the main question of the allegorical interpretation in this study is: which model of self is offered by the narrative identity of Solus
Опір тоталітарній системі як ключова тема автобіографічно-мемуарного дискурсу українських шістдесятників
Get PDFSome European nations and countries stayed in the area of totalitarianism for a long time. This fact and various ways of transforming and self-identity in a totalitarian society require careful studying in a broad scientific spectrum. Studying of the dissident movement is one of the important aspects of this multifaceted research topic. Resistance movement against totalitarianism in the second half of the twentieth century on the territory of Ukraine is closely linked with the concept of Ukrainian sixties. The place and understanding of the role in the cultural and political opposition to totalitarianism, features and images of the sixties are considered through memoir texts as social, political and aesthetic phenomenon of sixties. Self-reception of representatives of the rebellious generation gives the important information about forms and manifestations of resistance for understanding the phenomenon of the sixties, its place in the spiritual coordinates of the twentieth century.Some European nations and countries stayed in the area of totalitarianism for a long time. This fact and various ways of transforming and self-identity in a totalitarian society require careful studying in a broad scientific spectrum. Studying of the dissident movement is one of the important aspects of this multifaceted research topic. Resistance movement against totalitarianism in the second half of the twentieth century on the territory of Ukraine is closely linked with the concept of Ukrainian sixties. The place and understanding of the role in the cultural and political opposition to totalitarianism, features and images of the sixties are considered through memoir texts as social, political and aesthetic phenomenon of sixties. Self-reception of representatives of the rebellious generation gives the important information about forms and manifestations of resistance for understanding the phenomenon of the sixties, its place in the spiritual coordinates of the twentieth century
Matoš i Radić: dwie koncepcje kultury
Get PDFAntun Gustav Matoš and Antun Radić were leading the Croatian intellectuals of their era. Radić, an ethnologist, formulated the concept of culture, in which the most important significance for the national identity was attributed to the people. He considered peasantry authentic and free of contaminations, accusing the elite of cosmopolitanism and abandoning of the Croatian source values. Meanwhile, for Matoš the most important factor in the Croatian culture was opening to the foreign influences and to their creative force. As a consequence, the opposition between the writer and the ethnologist appears, corresponding to the concept of open and closed culture. Despite the use of the same dichotomy of the elites and the people, each of them assigns different values of both cultural strata. Radić politicizes the peasantry and tries to bring it to the public sphere, pretending to defend the values of the indigenous Croatian culture, while Matoš, regardless of his political nationalism, creates the elitist vision of open and inclusive culture.Antun Gustav Matoš and Antun Radić were leading the Croatian intellectuals of their era. Radić, an ethnologist, formulated the concept of culture, in which the most important significance for the national identity was attributed to the people. He considered peasantry authentic and free of contaminations, accusing the elite of cosmopolitanism and abandoning of the Croatian source values. Meanwhile, for Matoš the most important factor in the Croatian culture was opening to the foreign influences and to their creative force. As a consequence, the opposition between the writer and the ethnologist appears, corresponding to the concept of open and closed culture. Despite the use of the same dichotomy of the elites and the people, each of them assigns different values of both cultural strata. Radić politicizes the peasantry and tries to bring it to the public sphere, pretending to defend the values of the indigenous Croatian culture, while Matoš, regardless of his political nationalism, creates the elitist vision of open and inclusive culture
Dysydent Bogdan Radica
Get PDFIn the article a certain prominent Croatian emigrant, but very little known in Croatia, is taken into consideration. Bogdan Radica (1904–1993) was a political dissident in two different circumstances. Between 1941–1945, as an attaché of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, he was opposing both the Ustasha’a Croatian state and Yugoslav policy under Serbian control, which he defined as a hegemonic and ‘anti-Yugoslav’. Between 1945–1993, with a short period supporting the Communists, he became the most prominent representative of the Croatian emigration, emphasizing pro-independent attitudes. His engagement is seen not as an ideological profile but as an attitude.In the article a certain prominent Croatian emigrant, but very little known in Croatia, is taken into consideration. Bogdan Radica (1904–1993) was a political dissident in two different circumstances. Between 1941–1945, as an attaché of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, he was opposing both the Ustasha’a Croatian state and Yugoslav policy under Serbian control, which he defined as a hegemonic and ‘anti-Yugoslav’. Between 1945–1993, with a short period supporting the Communists, he became the most prominent representative of the Croatian emigration, emphasizing pro-independent attitudes. His engagement is seen not as an ideological profile but as an attitude