Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft (Journal)
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Pedro T. Magalhães (2021): The Legitimacy of Modern Democracy. A Study on the Political Thought of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen
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Markus Freitag (2017): Die Psyche des Politischen. Was der Charakter über unser politisches Denken und Handeln verrät. Politik und Gesellschaft in der Schweiz
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Der US-Iran-Konflikt und die fehlenden Gesichter der Macht
Full text linkWährend der nukleare Konflikt zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika unter der Präsidentschaft Donald J. Trumps und dem Iran in der globalen Öffentlichkeit und Forschung weite Beachtung findet, wurde eine systematische Untersuchung der Machtmechanismen bislang vernachlässigt. Hierbei bieten die sogenannten drei Gesichter der Macht einen Analyserahmen, der in der deutschsprachigen Literatur einer kritischen Modernisierung bedarf. Somit greift der vorliegende Artikel diese Forschungslücken auf und widmet sich ihnen in einer kombinierten Reflexion aus Theorie und Praxis. Dies vertieft das wissenschaftliche Verständnis der Handlungslogiken der jeweiligen Führungseliten sowie Chancen und Grenzen der Machtprojektion. So zeigt die kombinierte Analyse, dass strategische Fehlwahrnehmungen von Optionen und Mechanismen unter Präsident Donald J. Trump nicht nur die Interessendurchsetzung schmälerten, sondern sogar kontraproduktiv wirkten. Entsprechend erklärt der Artikel das anhaltende Bestehen des US-iranischen Antagonismus und eröffnet eine konstruktive Agenda für künftige Machtforschung.Während der nukleare Konflikt zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika unter der Präsidentschaft Donald J. Trumps und Iran in der globalen Öffentlichkeit und Forschung weite Beachtung finden, wurde eine systematische Untersuchung der Machtmechanismen bislang vernachlässigt. Hierbei bieten die sogenannten drei Gesichter der Macht einen Analyserahmen, der in der deutschsprachigen Literatur einer kritischen Modernisierung bedarf. Somit greift der vorliegende Artikel diese Forschungslücken auf und widmet sich einer kombinierten Reflexion der Themenkomplexe. Dies vertieft das wissenschaftliche Verständnis der Handlungslogiken der jeweiligen Führungseliten sowie Chancen und Grenzen der Machtprojektion. Entsprechend erklärt der Artikel das Anhalten des US-iranischen Antagonismus und eröffnet eine konstruktive Agenda künftiger Machtforschung
Chancellor Wanted! The 2021 German Chancellor Candidates in Context
Full text linkThe announced farewell of long-term Chancellor Angela Merkel after the 2021 Bundestag election, and the ongoing turmoil in the German party system, have created a precarious and unprecedented situation. For the first time ever, there have been three non-incumbent chancellor candidates competing for the job and the legacy of a departing incumbent. Some of the recent developments, such as the nomination of the first Green chancellor candidate and the rifts within the CDU/CSU over their candidate, were notable in their own right. This early assessment puts these developments into perspective by relating the events of 2021 to historical precedents and key insights of comparative political research
Converting to Open Access. The Austrian Journal of Political Science (OZP) as a case study
Full text linkOpen Access is a simple idea that has resulted in a confusing landscape of business models, competing policy prescriptions, and vested interests. Academic debates about the pros and cons of Open Access publishing often lack insights into the operational needs for setting up an Open Access publication. This is true particularly for the social sciences, where experiences with Open Access from the production side still seem sparse. Covering the period between 2010 and 2015, this article recapitulates one of the few cases where an existing academic journal in political science has been converted to an Open Access publication. The Austrian Journal of Political Science (OZP) is an Open Access journal since 2015; and it was the academic community that conducted the conversion process. Remaking the OZP may thus entail some broader lessons for the social sciences communities about what is important in Open Access publishing.Open Access is a simple idea that has resulted in a confusing landscape of business models, competing policy prescriptions, and vested interests. Academic debates about the pros and cons of Open Access publishing often lack insights into the operational needs for setting up an Open Access publication. This is true particularly for the social sciences, where experiences with Open Access from the production side still seem sparse. Covering the period between 2010 and 2015, this article recapitulates one of the few cases where an existing academic journal in political science has been converted to an Open Access publication. The Austrian Journal of Political Science (OZP) is an Open Access journal since 2015; and it was the academic community that conducted the conversion process. Remaking the OZP may thus entail some broader lessons for the social sciences communities about what is important in Open Access publishing
Correlates of district-level turnout in Vienna: What role does electoral exclusion play?
Full text linkWith an increasing share of voting-age residents without Austrian citizenship, Vienna is a striking example of a boundary problem of electoral participation. Without Austrian citizenship comes an exclusion from electoral rights at national, regional and, for some, also at European elections. The paper examines turnout rates and their socio-demographic covariates for 11 elections on the aggregate level of districts in Vienna, Austria, from 2004 to 2019. The analysis shows that aggregate turnout is statistically associated with socio-economic district characteristics, diversity within the electorate and the proportion of individuals not eligible to vote. To conclude, the paper discusses possible mechanisms behind the correlation of electoral exclusion and turnout and provides perspectives for further empirical tests of such mechanisms
The FPÖ’s welfare chauvinism
Full text linkThis paper applies recent theoretical arguments about the relationship between redistributive justice principles and welfare chauvinism to the case of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). These arguments hold that parties vary welfare chauvinist appeals according to the redistributive principles underlying social programs. Means-tested and universal benefits that produce high levels of native-to-nonnative redistribution are thus prime targets. By contrast, social insurance individualizes benefit claims and thus undercuts the group logic inherent in nativist arguments. The analysis confirms that the FPÖ’s welfare chauvinism is mostly targeted at universal and means-tested benefits. Where it is applied to social insurance programs, the purpose is typically to exclude immigrants from non-contributory elements and thus strengthen the insurance principle for non-citizens. The analysis extends beyond existing research by also examining the adoption of welfare chauvinism by the ÖVP and the implementation of such policies by the ÖVP-FPÖ coalition between 2017 and 2019.This paper applies recent theoretical arguments about the relationship between redistributive justice principles and welfare chauvinism to the case of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). These arguments hold that parties vary welfare chauvinist appeals according to the redistributive principles underlying social programs. Means-tested and universal benefits that produce high levels of native-to-nonnative redistribution are thus prime targets. By contrast, social insurance individualizes benefit claims and thus undercuts the group logic inherent in nativist arguments. The analysis confirms that the FPÖ’s welfare chauvinism is mostly targeted at universal and means-tested benefits. Where it is applied to social insurance programs, the purpose is typically to exclude immigrants from non-contributory elements and thus strengthen the insurance principle for non-citizens. The analysis extends beyond existing research by also examining the adoption of welfare chauvinism by the ÖVP and the implementation of such policies by the ÖVP-FPÖ coalition between 2017 and 2019