Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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The „limited recognition” problem and the international presence of the Republic of Kosovo
Get PDFThis paper aims to examine the connection between foreign policy of the states with limited recognition and their security. Author analyzes the position of Kosovo in international relations. Explaines differences between de facto states, quasi-states, unrecognized states, pseudo states and states with limited recognition, arguing that Kosovo should be consider as the latter. Author also points out consequences of international recognition (including the case of Kosovo), shows the main goals of foreign policy of this state and relations between Kosovo and international governmental organizations, which conduct ‘engagement without recognition policy’ and selected countries, which recognized Kosovo as a sovereign state. The paper is based on examination of primary and secondary sources, critical analysis of sources and data analysis. Author argues that limited recognition of Kosovo has a direct influence on foreign policy of this state. This foreign policy is strictly connected with security issues. However, limited recognition reduced foreign policy of Kosovo and made that this country cannot be a party of military pacts, which is crucial in maintaining peace and security in this country.This paper aims to examine the connection between foreign policy of the states with limited recognition and their security. Author analyzes the position of Kosovo in international relations. Explaines differences between de facto states, quasi-states, unrecognized states, pseudo states and states with limited recognition, arguing that Kosovo should be consider as the latter. Author also points out consequences of international recognition (including the case of Kosovo), shows the main goals of foreign policy of this state and relations between Kosovo and international governmental organizations, which conduct ‘engagement without recognition policy’ and selected countries, which recognized Kosovo as a sovereign state. The paper is based on examination of primary and secondary sources, critical analysis of sources and data analysis. Author argues that limited recognition of Kosovo has a direct influence on foreign policy of this state. This foreign policy is strictly connected with security issues. However, limited recognition reduced foreign policy of Kosovo and made that this country cannot be a party of military pacts, which is crucial in maintaining peace and security in this country
Chorwacki film fabularny jako medium pamięci wojny lat 90. XX w. w krajach byłej Jugosławii
No full textThe article is an attempt to present selected Croatian new war films as media of memory of the war of the 1990s in the countries of the former Yugoslavia. The authoress is primarily interested in the narrative structure of the presented forms of mediated memory. In the three analysed films, a medium of memory is identified as: ideological (Madonna, Neven Hitrec, 1999), mimetic (Witnesses, Vinko Brešan, 2003), and poietic (The Living and the Dead, Kristijan Milić, 2007), which allows her to draw conclusions about the heterogeneous, dialectical nature of the corpus of Croatian new war films.Artykuł jest próbą zaprezentowania wybranych chorwackich (nowych) filmów wojennych jako mediów pamięci wojny lat 90. XX w. w krajach byłej Jugosławii. Autorkę interesuje przede wszystkim struktura narracyjna prezentowanych form pamięci zapośredniczonej. W trzech analizowanych filmach dopatruje się ona medium pamięci o charakterze: ideologicznym (Bogurodzica, Neven Hitrec, 1999), mimetycznym (Świadkowie, Vinko Brešan, 2003) i pojetycznym (Żywi i martwi, Kristijan Milić, 2007), co pozwala jej wysnuć wnioski o niejednorodnym, dialektycznym charakterze samego korpusu chorwackich (nowych) filmów wojennych
Historical policy of communist Romania in the opinions of PPR diplomacy
Get PDFThe article proposes to look at the phenomenon of the historical politics of the authorities of communist Romania through the prism of opinions on this subject from the diplomacy, also communist, of the Polish People\u27s Republic. It is about opinions of representatives of a state whose citizens during the communist period were not subjected to and did not succumb to such strong political indoctrination as in other satellite states of the Kremlin on the subject of a state which, from the 1960s onwards, conducted the most independent and distanced foreign politics from the Kremlin among these satellites and which went furthest among these states in instrumentally using historical politics and the often accompanying nationalism for political purposes. As the Polish observers have argued, the Romanian authorities saw in the image of Romanians and Romanian history created by them a valuable tool to shape for themselves the favor of society, its views and public sentiment depending on the political demand of the moment. It was most controversial among Poles, but supported by the Romanian public, that the Romanian authorities used history to more or less openly attack the Soviet Union in the name of defending their sovereignty. The Polish authorities also viewed with distance the theory deriving modern Romanians from the ancient Dacians and generally considered Romanian historiography to be biased and unreliable. In spite of the fall of communism, unlike in Poland, the picture of Romanian history shaped earlier, with a strong nationalist accent, is still readily accepted by Romanians.The article proposes to look at the phenomenon of the historical politics of the authorities of communist Romania through the prism of opinions on this subject from the diplomacy, also communist, of the Polish People\u27s Republic. It is about opinions of representatives of a state whose citizens during the communist period were not subjected to and did not succumb to such strong political indoctrination as in other satellite states of the Kremlin on the subject of a state which, from the 1960s onwards, conducted the most independent and distanced foreign politics from the Kremlin among these satellites and which went furthest among these states in instrumentally using historical politics and the often accompanying nationalism for political purposes. As the Polish observers have argued, the Romanian authorities saw in the image of Romanians and Romanian history created by them a valuable tool to shape for themselves the favor of society, its views and public sentiment depending on the political demand of the moment. It was most controversial among Poles, but supported by the Romanian public, that the Romanian authorities used history to more or less openly attack the Soviet Union in the name of defending their sovereignty. The Polish authorities also viewed with distance the theory deriving modern Romanians from the ancient Dacians and generally considered Romanian historiography to be biased and unreliable. In spite of the fall of communism, unlike in Poland, the picture of Romanian history shaped earlier, with a strong nationalist accent, is still readily accepted by Romanians
Kilka spostrzeżeń na temat bitwy pod Rovinami (1395)
Get PDFThe battle of Rovine between Mircea the Elde (the hospodar of Wallachia) and Bayezid I (the sultan of the Ottoman Empire) is a conventional term created by historians. In reality, it probably took place near the Wallachian capital of Argeş and on the river of the same name („na rowinach” or „in the ramparts”). The commonly accepted date, May 17, 1395, should be also treated conventionally. This is the date of the death of Constantine Dejanović Dragaš, who was killed at the time, but it is not known whether he died exactly on the day of the battle or later. In addition, it is likely that the battle did not last one day - one Ottoman source even speaks of a week. The news about the outcome of the battle is also contradictory. It was not resolved, both armies suffered very heavy losses, but they separated and retained their fighting ability. Bayezid I had enough forces to attack Nikopol and finally liquidate the Tsar of Bulgaria. Mircea retreated to Transylvania and joined his forces with Sigismund of Luxembourg\u27s troops, with whom he recaptured Little Nikopol, or Turnu. The political situation of Wallachia after the battle of Rovine is unclear - almost all sources speak of the conclusion of peace and the payment of tribute by the hospodar. In reality, however, Mircea lost power in his capital to Vlad the Usurper. It is unclear whether Vlad was put on the throne by Bayezid I, or whether he took advantage of Mircea\u27s difficulties and made some deals with the sultan. There is also no source basis for the claim that he was put on the throne by the Poles. The Polish royal couple, other than accepting the tribute document, did absolutely nothing about it.Bitwa pod Rovinami między hospodarem wołoskim Mirczą Starym a sułtanem Bayezidem I to termin umowny skonstruowany przez historyków. W rzeczywistości bitwa miała miejsce „na rowinach” czyli „w szańcach” prawdopodobnie niedaleko stolicy Wołoszczyzny Argeş i nad rzeką tejże nazwy. Powszechnie obecnie przyjętą datację 17 maja 1395 roku też należy traktować umownie. Jest to data śmierci Konstantyna Dejanowicia Dragasza, który poniósł śmierć w bitwie, nie wiadomo jednak czy zmarł dokładnie w dniu bitwy, czy jakiś czas później. Ponadto najprawdopodobniej bitwa nie trwała jeden dzień, jedno z osmańskich źródeł mówi nawet o tygodniu. Wiadomości na temat rezultatu bitwy też są sprzeczne, bitwa nie została do końca rozstrzygnięta, obydwie armie poniosły bardzo duże straty, ale rozeszły się i zachowały zdolność bojową. Bayezid miał dostatecznie dużo sił, by zaatakować Nikopol i dokonać ostatecznej likwidacji tyrnowskiego carstwa bułgarskiego. Mircza wycofał się do Siedmiogrodu i połączył swe siły z siłami Zygmunta Luksemburczyka, z którymi odbił krótko potem Mały Nikopol czyli Turnu. Niejasna jest sytuacja polityczna Wołoszczyzny po bitwie pod Rovinami, niemal wszystkie źródła mówią o zawarciu przez hospodara pokoju i opłacie trybutu. W rzeczywistości jednak Mircza stracił władzę w swej stolicy na rzecz Vlada Uzurpatora. Nie jest jednak jasne czy Vlad został osadzony na tronie przez Bajezida I, czy wykorzystał trudności Mirczy i czy zawierał z sułtanem jakieś układy. Nie ma też żadnych podstaw źródłowych do twierdzenia, że został wprowadzony na tron przez Polaków. Polska para królewska, poza przyjęciem dokumentu hołdowniczego nie uczyniła zupełnie nic w jego sprawie
Political activities of Sophronius Vrachanski
Get PDFThe beginning of the 19th century was a difficult period for the Bulgarian population, caused by a deep crisis in the Ottoman Empire and another Russo–Turkish war of 1806–1812. During the conflict, the former bishop of Vratsa, Sophronius, together with a circle of activists, undertook political action to support the Russian military effort and help the civilian population fleeing the horrors of the war. This action ultimately ended in failure, as it was not possible to obtain autonomy for the Bulgarians, but the political program they developed was an important stage in the formation of the native national liberation movement. Thanks to his achievements, Sophroniy is known in Bulgarian historiography not only as a priest and one of the codifiers of the modern Bulgarian language, but also as a political activist.The beginning of the 19th century was a difficult period for the Bulgarian population, caused by a deep crisis in the Ottoman Empire and another Russo–Turkish war of 1806–1812. During the conflict, the former bishop of Vratsa, Sophronius, together with a circle of activists, undertook political action to support the Russian military effort and help the civilian population fleeing the horrors of the war. This action ultimately ended in failure, as it was not possible to obtain autonomy for the Bulgarians, but the political program they developed was an important stage in the formation of the native national liberation movement. Thanks to his achievements, Sophroniy is known in Bulgarian historiography not only as a priest and one of the codifiers of the modern Bulgarian language, but also as a political activist
Neo-Ottoman memory of the „New Turkey"
No full textThe article aims to present the process in creating of neo-Ottoman memory policy under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which remains in power since 2002. In the first two decades of the 21st century, Turkey underwent a thorough transformation, including the replacement of elites, the undermining of the ideological foundations of the Kemalist republic, as well as the redefinition of Turkish nationalism and the state identity. The key element of these changes was the ongoing rehabilitation of the Ottoman Empire – relegated by the republic to the position of episode in the history of the Turks. As a result of creation of the the so-called "Turkish-Islamic synthesis" in the 1980s, as well as the development of social nostalgia for the former empire in the following decade, the new politics of memory, meeting this nostalgia, achieved spectacular success. However, it was conducted in a top-down manner, with great care taken to ensure that the content appearing in the public sphere was consistent with the intentions of the new power elite. This new memory, however, did not remove the republican heritage – its absorption became a key factor strengthening the legitimacy of “New Turkey” – monumental project of political and identity transformation.Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie procesu, w którym powstała właściwa rządzonej od 2002 r. przez Partią Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju (AKP) neoosmańska polityka pamięci. W pierwszych dwóch dekadach XXI w. Turcja przeszła gruntowną transformację obejmującą wymianę elit, podważenie ideologicznych fundamentów kemalistowskiej republiki, a także redefinicję tureckiego nacjonalizmu i tożsamości państwa. Kluczowym elementem tych zmian była dokonująca się rehabilitacja Imperium Osmańskiego – przez republikę zdegradowanego do roli epizodu w dziejach Turków. Na skutek wykształcenia się w tzw. „Syntezy turecko-islamskiej” w latach 80., a także rozwoju społecznej nostalgii za dawnym imperium w kolejnej dekadzie, nowa polityka pamięci, wychodząca naprzeciw tej nostalgii odniosła spektakularny sukces. Prowadzona była jednak w sposób odgórny, z dużą starannością o to, aby pojawiające się w sferze publicznej treści, zgodne były z intencjami nowej elity władzy. Ta nowa pamięć, nie usunęła jednak dziedzictwa republikańskiego – jego asymilacja stała się kluczowym czynnikiem wzmacniającym legitymizację wielkiego projektu transformacji politycznej i tożsamościowej, który określany jest mianem „Nowej Turcji”
Lucian Boia, Scurtă istorie a dezastrelor naturale. Epidemii, cutremure şi dereglări climatice, Bucureşti, Humanitas, 2020, 137 pp.
Get PDFOn the ratio of the main agricultural sectors in the urban economy of the Principality of Moldavia (the end of the 16th century – beginning of the 18th century)
Get PDFThe article considers the ratio of the leading agricultural sectors in the economic structure of Moldavian cities in the period from the end of the 16th century to the beginning of the 18th century. The study attempts to systematise the available historical material (various sources of that era) based on the mathematical method and mathematical modelling tools. The results of the study confirm the well-established facts that agricultural and trade and handicraft activities were basic in the urban economic infrastructure and were closely interconnected. The dominance of the agrarian factor in urban life and the semi-agrarian nature of the towns of the Principality of Moldavia contributed to significant functional changes in the evolution of the economic infrastructure of towns and cities, the formation of the urban market, trade and market relations, craft formations, and so on for the following centuries.The article considers the ratio of the leading agricultural sectors in the economic structure of Moldavian cities in the period from the end of the 16th century to the beginning of the 18th century. The study attempts to systematise the available historical material (various sources of that era) based on the mathematical method and mathematical modelling tools. The results of the study confirm the well-established facts that agricultural and trade and handicraft activities were basic in the urban economic infrastructure and were closely interconnected. The dominance of the agrarian factor in urban life and the semi-agrarian nature of the towns of the Principality of Moldavia contributed to significant functional changes in the evolution of the economic infrastructure of towns and cities, the formation of the urban market, trade and market relations, craft formations, and so on for the following centuries
Balkan Orthodox Churches in Soviet Union policy (in the first years after the Second World War)
Get PDFThe aim of the article is to present the concept and actions taken by the Soviet diplomacy and the hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church to subjugate the Orthodox communities in the communist Balkan countries. The mechanism of the subjugation of the Balkan churches has been included into a comparative perspective and integrated into the broader concept of the Moscow Patriarchate towards gaining a leading role in the Orthodox world in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The process of dependency and its effects are reflected in diplomatic documents, but also in those produced by the Orthodox Churches themselves. The key element for gaining central position in the Orthodox world by Moscow was the organisation of anniversary celebrations and conferences to integrate the community and to involve it in the implementation of plans towards Soviet political domination. The results of these efforts were very limited in relation to ambitions outlined by the leadership of the Soviet state, revealing differing positions of the major patriarchates, as well as a real strength of authority and prestige that the Ecumenical Patriarchate invariably enjoyed.The aim of the article is to present the concept and actions taken by the Soviet diplomacy and the hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church to subjugate the Orthodox communities in the communist Balkan countries. The mechanism of the subjugation of the Balkan churches has been included into a comparative perspective and integrated into the broader concept of the Moscow Patriarchate towards gaining a leading role in the Orthodox world in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The process of dependency and its effects are reflected in diplomatic documents, but also in those produced by the Orthodox Churches themselves. The key element for gaining central position in the Orthodox world by Moscow was the organisation of anniversary celebrations and conferences to integrate the community and to involve it in the implementation of plans towards Soviet political domination. The results of these efforts were very limited in relation to ambitions outlined by the leadership of the Soviet state, revealing differing positions of the major patriarchates, as well as a real strength of authority and prestige that the Ecumenical Patriarchate invariably enjoyed
Tijana Vuković, Regaining the Yugoslav Heritage vs. Culture Crisis Regaining the Past. Yugoslav Legacy in the Period of Transition: The Case of Formal and Alternative Institutions of Art and Culture in Serbia at the End of the 20th and the Beginning of the 21st Century, Warsaw–Bellerive-sur-Allier, Wydawnictwo DiG 2022, pp. 343
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