Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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Nenad Vekarić, Vlastela grada Dubrovnika. Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva, Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti. Zavod za povijesne znanosti u Dubrovniku, Posebna izdanja, knj. 17 sv. 1, Zagreb-Dubrovnik 2011, ss. 347.
Get PDFPułkownik Redl. Polityczne wątki afery w prasie polskiej
Get PDFThe most famous spy scandal before the outbreak of the First World War, took place during the time of intensified diplomatic actions taken to stop the Balkan War. At night on May 24th 1913, Colonel Alfred Redl, the chief of staff for the VIII. Corps stationed in Prague – having been exposed by counterintelligence – committed suicide in Klomser Hotel in Vienna. His death was directly connected to the fact that the special commission that consisted of high ranking officers was established in the extraordinary mode. The case of Russian spy was known only to an exclusive group of ‘initiates’. Nevertheless, it was almost immediately leaked to the press and evoked scandal that stirred up public opinion in Austria-Hungary. The motifs of the scandal – described in Polish press releases of that time: in Cracow, Lvov and Warsaw – have been analyzed in the article. They were significant in the context of political struggle, led mainly between two antagonistic forces: the Austrophiles and the Russophiles. Seemingly distant from Polish matters, the spy affair turned out to be an important factor that ‘catalyzed’ political attitudes of the Poles. The aspect of Redl’s nationality became a significant element of the polemics. And the scandal undermined Austro-Hungarian morale, especially the morale of Slavic nations subject to the Empire; the more so as, at exactly the same time, a political corruption affair which Hungarian Prime Minister was involved in, happened in Budapest. The events that happened in Galicia in May and June 1913 – as connected with political and economical turning point that autonomous country reached, which was caused by Austro-Hungarian preparations for Balkan War – have been examined here as the background context. In this article, basing on a wide range of press sources, the author classifies and describes some key political motifs of the Redl affair: especially the change of ideas about the Balkan War – in accordance to common opinions expressed in Polish press – now bringing the fatal threat to Austro-Hungary. (Russia came into possession of mobilization plans). The other topics are: the decline of Austro-Hungarian prestige on the international arena, the criticism of the code applying to officer corps, assigning Redl the Jewish origin by the anti-Semitic press, attacks on the ones that supported Austro-Hungarian orientations, including those who organized a kind of ‘substitute” for Polish military forces under the auspices of the monarchy, and finally – the spy psychosis.The most famous spy scandal before the outbreak of the First World War, took place during the time of intensified diplomatic actions taken to stop the Balkan War. At night on May 24th 1913, Colonel Alfred Redl, the chief of staff for the VIII. Corps stationed in Prague – having been exposed by counterintelligence – committed suicide in Klomser Hotel in Vienna. His death was directly connected to the fact that the special commission that consisted of high ranking officers was established in the extraordinary mode. The case of Russian spy was known only to an exclusive group of ‘initiates’. Nevertheless, it was almost immediately leaked to the press and evoked scandal that stirred up public opinion in Austria-Hungary. The motifs of the scandal – described in Polish press releases of that time: in Cracow, Lvov and Warsaw – have been analyzed in the article. They were significant in the context of political struggle, led mainly between two antagonistic forces: the Austrophiles and the Russophiles. Seemingly distant from Polish matters, the spy affair turned out to be an important factor that ‘catalyzed’ political attitudes of the Poles. The aspect of Redl’s nationality became a significant element of the polemics. And the scandal undermined Austro-Hungarian morale, especially the morale of Slavic nations subject to the Empire; the more so as, at exactly the same time, a political corruption affair which Hungarian Prime Minister was involved in, happened in Budapest. The events that happened in Galicia in May and June 1913 – as connected with political and economical turning point that autonomous country reached, which was caused by Austro-Hungarian preparations for Balkan War – have been examined here as the background context. In this article, basing on a wide range of press sources, the author classifies and describes some key political motifs of the Redl affair: especially the change of ideas about the Balkan War – in accordance to common opinions expressed in Polish press – now bringing the fatal threat to Austro-Hungary. (Russia came into possession of mobilization plans). The other topics are: the decline of Austro-Hungarian prestige on the international arena, the criticism of the code applying to officer corps, assigning Redl the Jewish origin by the anti-Semitic press, attacks on the ones that supported Austro-Hungarian orientations, including those who organized a kind of ‘substitute” for Polish military forces under the auspices of the monarchy, and finally – the spy psychosis
Wielkie mocarstwa europejskie wobec wojen bałkańskich 1912-1913
Get PDFBalkan Wars 1912-1913 were a milestone event in the history of the Balkans. They ending, started in 1878, process of expulsion of Turkey from its European possessions, and creating the possibility of realizing popular in this part of Europe slogan “The Balkans for the Balkan nations”. It should be noted that taking on the Balkan Peninsula events were with attention watched by the European great powers, because this part of Europe they are treated as a region of special economic and politic-military interest. This situation was dictated primarily by dynamic industrialization of Europe, which already in the middle of the nineteenth century led to the exacerbation of the struggle for access to the raw materials and especially to sales markets. In the context of the Balkans the essential importance had the rivalry between Austria-Hungary, which was seeking a safe and comfortable way to the port of Thessaloniki, and Russia, which was striving to change the status of Bosporus and the Dardanelles, for ensure grain exports through the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. It must be remembered that the Balkans and Turkey played an equally important role in the economic plans of other powers – Great Britain, France, and from the late nineteenth century also Italy and Germany. An equally important role played by political and military considerations. The entry of great powers in the so-called imperial era greatly influenced the intensification of the competition for the “undisputed leader” in Europe and the range of spheres of influence, and the crystallization of the opposing military-political blocks in the Europe, pay attention of politicians to those European countries, which was created the possibility of blocking the enemy actions and obtain tactical advantage. For obvious reasons, the Balkans have played in this rivalry special role. Although the imposition of all these factors complicated the situation on the Balkan Peninsula, the persistent tension between the great powers created Balkan states and nations the feasibility of their policy plans. Thus, in the era of the Balkan wars, they did not intend to follow the guidelines of European diplomacy, and taken by the great powers the efforts to save peace and acquisition of potential allies did not lead to the expected success, which clearly confirmed the events of WWI.Balkan Wars 1912-1913 were a milestone event in the history of the Balkans. They ending, started in 1878, process of expulsion of Turkey from its European possessions, and creating the possibility of realizing popular in this part of Europe slogan “The Balkans for the Balkan nations”. It should be noted that taking on the Balkan Peninsula events were with attention watched by the European great powers, because this part of Europe they are treated as a region of special economic and politic-military interest. This situation was dictated primarily by dynamic industrialization of Europe, which already in the middle of the nineteenth century led to the exacerbation of the struggle for access to the raw materials and especially to sales markets. In the context of the Balkans the essential importance had the rivalry between Austria-Hungary, which was seeking a safe and comfortable way to the port of Thessaloniki, and Russia, which was striving to change the status of Bosporus and the Dardanelles, for ensure grain exports through the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. It must be remembered that the Balkans and Turkey played an equally important role in the economic plans of other powers – Great Britain, France, and from the late nineteenth century also Italy and Germany. An equally important role played by political and military considerations. The entry of great powers in the so-called imperial era greatly influenced the intensification of the competition for the “undisputed leader” in Europe and the range of spheres of influence, and the crystallization of the opposing military-political blocks in the Europe, pay attention of politicians to those European countries, which was created the possibility of blocking the enemy actions and obtain tactical advantage. For obvious reasons, the Balkans have played in this rivalry special role. Although the imposition of all these factors complicated the situation on the Balkan Peninsula, the persistent tension between the great powers created Balkan states and nations the feasibility of their policy plans. Thus, in the era of the Balkan wars, they did not intend to follow the guidelines of European diplomacy, and taken by the great powers the efforts to save peace and acquisition of potential allies did not lead to the expected success, which clearly confirmed the events of WWI
Rumuńskie roszczenia terytorialne wobec Bułgarii w dobie wojen bałkańskich
Get PDFThis article is to demonstrate the genesis and repercussions of the Romanian territorial claims against Bulgaria during the war period of the 1912-1913 in the Balkan Peninsula. What is most stressed is the direct relationship of the said claims with the separation of Bessarabia from the Romanian state, executed by the 1878 Berlin truce and annexation of Northern Dobrudja, a region inhabited mostly by Bulgarians. This last fact inspired the anxiety in Bucharest, that Bulgaria might claim that land by force. This was worsened after 1908, when Bulgaria proclaimed itself a sovereign empire, intent on incorporating major parts of Macedonia and Thrace since the decisive victory over the Ottoman Turkey. Such broadening of the Bulgarian borders was regarded in Bucharest as a threat to the political equilibrium in the Balkans, endangering the Romanian state security and territorial integrity. As a result the government of Romania issued a claim to reestablish the border with Bulgaria, which was in essence a claim over Southern Dobrudja. In spite of rather favorable international circumstances in the early XX century, the Romanians were unable to bring this notion into being until the second half of 1913, the outbreak of an inter-alliance war, a result of frictions between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece. The lack of success on the side of the Bulgarian armed forces at the western front and the fact that their northern and northeastern provinces were left unprotected incited Romania to invade Bulgaria and annex the Southern Dobrudja. A Turkish invasion followed shortly. As a consequence, and with recognition of the European superpowers of the time, on 10th August 1913 in Bucharest a harsh treaty was imposed on Bulgarians, with the loss of the contested Southern Dobrudja amongst other terms.This article is to demonstrate the genesis and repercussions of the Romanian territorial claims against Bulgaria during the war period of the 1912-1913 in the Balkan Peninsula. What is most stressed is the direct relationship of the said claims with the separation of Bessarabia from the Romanian state, executed by the 1878 Berlin truce and annexation of Northern Dobrudja, a region inhabited mostly by Bulgarians. This last fact inspired the anxiety in Bucharest, that Bulgaria might claim that land by force. This was worsened after 1908, when Bulgaria proclaimed itself a sovereign empire, intent on incorporating major parts of Macedonia and Thrace since the decisive victory over the Ottoman Turkey. Such broadening of the Bulgarian borders was regarded in Bucharest as a threat to the political equilibrium in the Balkans, endangering the Romanian state security and territorial integrity. As a result the government of Romania issued a claim to reestablish the border with Bulgaria, which was in essence a claim over Southern Dobrudja. In spite of rather favorable international circumstances in the early XX century, the Romanians were unable to bring this notion into being until the second half of 1913, the outbreak of an inter-alliance war, a result of frictions between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece. The lack of success on the side of the Bulgarian armed forces at the western front and the fact that their northern and northeastern provinces were left unprotected incited Romania to invade Bulgaria and annex the Southern Dobrudja. A Turkish invasion followed shortly. As a consequence, and with recognition of the European superpowers of the time, on 10th August 1913 in Bucharest a harsh treaty was imposed on Bulgarians, with the loss of the contested Southern Dobrudja amongst other terms
Daniel Hrenciuc, Cu ochii la răsărit: Relaţiile româno-polone în perioada interbellică (1919-1939), Tipo Moldova Iaşi 2012, ss. 602.
Get PDF„Żywot św. Sawy” Teodozjusza Chilandarskiego, jako źródło do dziejów Streza, władcy Proseku
Get PDFThe late XII and the early XIII c. were a period of important political changes on the Balkan Peninsula. Strez (1207-1214) was one of the local rulers which emerged in the mountain regions of the central Balkans in that time. We know the outline of his life from the sources such as: “Life of St. Symeon” by Stefan the First-Crowned, “Life of St. Sava” by Domentijan, “Life of St. Sava” by Theodosius of Chilandar and the letter of the Latin Emperor Henry from the January of 1212 or 1213. The paper presented here is divided into two parts. In the first part the Author presents the sources mentioned above and discusses major problems concerning their interpretation: the chronology of Strez’s life, territorial extent of his state, relations with the neighbor countries and circumstances surrounding his death. The second part comprises translation of the excerpt about Strez from the “Life of St. Sava” by Theodosius of Chilandar.The late XII and the early XIII c. were a period of important political changes on the Balkan Peninsula. Strez (1207-1214) was one of the local rulers which emerged in the mountain regions of the central Balkans in that time. We know the outline of his life from the sources such as: “Life of St. Symeon” by Stefan the First-Crowned, “Life of St. Sava” by Domentijan, “Life of St. Sava” by Theodosius of Chilandar and the letter of the Latin Emperor Henry from the January of 1212 or 1213. The paper presented here is divided into two parts. In the first part the Author presents the sources mentioned above and discusses major problems concerning their interpretation: the chronology of Strez’s life, territorial extent of his state, relations with the neighbor countries and circumstances surrounding his death. The second part comprises translation of the excerpt about Strez from the “Life of St. Sava” by Theodosius of Chilanda
Nina Gagova, Vladeteli i knigi. Učastieto na južnoslovianskija vladetel v proizvodstvoto i upotrebata na knigi prez Srednovekovieto (IX–XV v.): recepcijata na vizantijskija model, Izdatelstvo „PAM Păblišing Kămpani” OOD, Sofija 2010, ss. 337 (Istorija i knižnina).
Get PDFZmagania słowacko-węgierskie w postrzeganiu wspólnej historii
Get PDFThe aim of the article is to search the roots of complicated Slovak-Hungarian relationship, which lies deeper than in the 19th century. Different interpretations of the role of the Slavs in the Hungarian state resulted in the creation of two national historiographies at the end of the 18th century, the Hungarian and the Slovak. I tried to compare them. It is to observe that recently the historians from both countries, Slovakia and Hungary started to discuss on the facts from their common history. It creates the optimistic perspectives for the future. First, I analyzed the image of the Pannonian Slavs in the Hungarian chronicles (Story of a white horse presented by the Anonymous Notary of King Béla and by the Chronicle composition of the 14th century). Moreover, I analyzed the information about this ruler in the Bohemian and South-Slavic (the Chronicle of Duklja) tradition, underlining the functional identity of Svatopluk of the Duklja Chronicle with Aquila/Atyla of the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle.The aim of the article is to search the roots of complicated Slovak-Hungarian relationship, which lies deeper than in the 19th century. Different interpretations of the role of the Slavs in the Hungarian state resulted in the creation of two national historiographies at the end of the 18th century, the Hungarian and the Slovak. I tried to compare them. It is to observe that recently the historians from both countries, Slovakia and Hungary started to discuss on the facts from their common history. It creates the optimistic perspectives for the future. First, I analyzed the image of the Pannonian Slavs in the Hungarian chronicles (Story of a white horse presented by the Anonymous Notary of King Béla and by the Chronicle composition of the 14th century). Moreover, I analyzed the information about this ruler in the Bohemian and South-Slavic (the Chronicle of Duklja) tradition, underlining the functional identity of Svatopluk of the Duklja Chronicle with Aquila/Atyla of the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle
Средневековые архетипы и балканские национализмы воин 1912-1913 г.
Get PDFThe Medieval Balkans are characterized by three basic imperial archetypes – Byzantine ecumenism and the imperial ideas of Bulgarians and Serbs. The Byzantine political doctrine based upon the idea that the empire is called upon to impose the Christian religion over the barbarian worlds was transformed throughout the period of the Balkan Revival into the so-called „Megali idea” and found its reflection in the political goals of the Greek Kingdom during the Balkan Wars. The Bulgarian Medieval archetype, expressed in Simeon’s idea of a Bulgarian-Byzantine empire with Constantinople as its capital and in the concept that took shape in the ХІІІ-th century of „Tarnovo – the Third Rome”, gave Paisii Hilendarski grounds to provoke the national self-conscience. The apogee of Renaissance aspirations, San Stefano Bulgaria, was not realized but it gave birth to the myth of „Bulgaria bordering three seas”, which pushed Bulgaria into the wars as a road to national union. The third „player” on the Balkan scene – the Kingdom of Serbia in its turn sought its grounds in Stefan Dushan’s empire and its Renaissance version – the „ Načertanije” of Ilija Garašanin. Thus, the Balkan union, created in the name of a noble and just cause – to liberate their Christian „brothers” from the oppression of the Ottoman Islamic Empire, turned out in its very bud to be on mined land by these projects imperial in their nature.The Medieval Balkans are characterized by three basic imperial archetypes – Byzantine ecumenism and the imperial ideas of Bulgarians and Serbs. The Byzantine political doctrine based upon the idea that the empire is called upon to impose the Christian religion over the barbarian worlds was transformed throughout the period of the Balkan Revival into the so-called „Megali idea” and found its reflection in the political goals of the Greek Kingdom during the Balkan Wars. The Bulgarian Medieval archetype, expressed in Simeon’s idea of a Bulgarian-Byzantine empire with Constantinople as its capital and in the concept that took shape in the ХІІІ-th century of „Tarnovo – the Third Rome”, gave Paisii Hilendarski grounds to provoke the national self-conscience. The apogee of Renaissance aspirations, San Stefano Bulgaria, was not realized but it gave birth to the myth of „Bulgaria bordering three seas”, which pushed Bulgaria into the wars as a road to national union. The third „player” on the Balkan scene – the Kingdom of Serbia in its turn sought its grounds in Stefan Dushan’s empire and its Renaissance version – the „ Načertanije” of Ilija Garašanin. Thus, the Balkan union, created in the name of a noble and just cause – to liberate their Christian „brothers” from the oppression of the Ottoman Islamic Empire, turned out in its very bud to be on mined land by these projects imperial in their nature.The Medieval Balkans are characterized by three basic imperial archetypes – Byzantine ecumenism and the imperial ideas of Bulgarians and Serbs. The Byzantine political doctrine based upon the idea that the empire is called upon to impose the Christian religion over the barbarian worlds was transformed throughout the period of the Balkan Revival into the so-called „Megali idea” and found its reflection in the political goals of the Greek Kingdom during the Balkan Wars. The Bulgarian Medieval archetype, expressed in Simeon’s idea of a Bulgarian-Byzantine empire with Constantinople as its capital and in the concept that took shape in the ХІІІ-th century of „Tarnovo – the Third Rome”, gave Paisii Hilendarski grounds to provoke the national self-conscience. The apogee of Renaissance aspirations, San Stefano Bulgaria, was not realized but it gave birth to the myth of „Bulgaria bordering three seas”, which pushed Bulgaria into the wars as a road to national union. The third „player” on the Balkan scene – the Kingdom of Serbia in its turn sought its grounds in Stefan Dushan’s empire and its Renaissance version – the „ Načertanije” of Ilija Garašanin. Thus, the Balkan union, created in the name of a noble and just cause – to liberate their Christian „brothers” from the oppression of the Ottoman Islamic Empire, turned out in its very bud to be on mined land by these projects imperial in their nature.The Medieval Balkans are characterized by three basic imperial archetypes – Byzantine ecumenism and the imperial ideas of Bulgarians and Serbs. The Byzantine political doctrine based upon the idea that the empire is called upon to impose the Christian religion over the barbarian worlds was transformed throughout the period of the Balkan Revival into the so-called „Megali idea” and found its reflection in the political goals of the Greek Kingdom during the Balkan Wars. The Bulgarian Medieval archetype, expressed in Simeon’s idea of a Bulgarian-Byzantine empire with Constantinople as its capital and in the concept that took shape in the ХІІІ-th century of „Tarnovo – the Third Rome”, gave Paisii Hilendarski grounds to provoke the national self-conscience. The apogee of Renaissance aspirations, San Stefano Bulgaria, was not realized but it gave birth to the myth of „Bulgaria bordering three seas”, which pushed Bulgaria into the wars as a road to national union. The third „player” on the Balkan scene – the Kingdom of Serbia in its turn sought its grounds in Stefan Dushan’s empire and its Renaissance version – the „ Načertanije” of Ilija Garašanin. Thus, the Balkan union, created in the name of a noble and just cause – to liberate their Christian „brothers” from the oppression of the Ottoman Islamic Empire, turned out in its very bud to be on mined land by these projects imperial in their nature
