Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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Mirosław J. Leszka, Symeon I Wielki a Bizancjum. Z dziejów stosunków bułgarsko bizantyńskich w latach 893-927, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź [2013], ss. 368+2 nlb., il., mapy, [w serii Byzantina Lodziensia XV].
Get PDFKomuniści jugosłowiańscy wobec idei tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej – wybrane aspekty
Get PDFThe aim of this article is to present the case of Yugoslav idea in the eyes of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and a communist Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito and Edvard Kardelj. The author claims that special versions of the Yugoslav idea existed in Yugoslavia until 1964, when nationalisms raised and the federalization of the state started. After that, the Yugoslav state gained the name of the socialist community of the Yugoslav citizens not of the Yugoslav nation. In the article, the author investigates the speeches of J.B. Tito and the ideological opinion of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia until the eighties of the 20th century. After the death of Marshal Tito, one of the advocates of multinational Yugoslavia was Slobodan Milošević – the former president of the Republic of Serbia. He was a follower of the Yugoslav ideology created by J. B. Tito. Nowadays, Yugoslavia does not exist and the socialist idea of brotherhood and unity was replaced by national states and nationalism. It is worth to mention that the authors of book “Nebeska Jugoslavija”, M. Velikonja and V. Perica, promote “new Yugoslavism”, which is rather closer to Yugonostalgy and Yugosphere than to political ideology.The aim of this article is to present the case of Yugoslav idea in the eyes of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and a communist Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito and Edvard Kardelj. The author claims that special versions of the Yugoslav idea existed in Yugoslavia until 1964, when nationalisms raised and the federalization of the state started. After that, the Yugoslav state gained the name of the socialist community of the Yugoslav citizens not of the Yugoslav nation. In the article, the author investigates the speeches of J.B. Tito and the ideological opinion of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia until the eighties of the 20th century. After the death of Marshal Tito, one of the advocates of multinational Yugoslavia was Slobodan Milošević – the former president of the Republic of Serbia. He was a follower of the Yugoslav ideology created by J. B. Tito. Nowadays, Yugoslavia does not exist and the socialist idea of brotherhood and unity was replaced by national states and nationalism. It is worth to mention that the authors of book “Nebeska Jugoslavija”, M. Velikonja and V. Perica, promote “new Yugoslavism”, which is rather closer to Yugonostalgy and Yugosphere than to political ideology
Bitwa pod Kumanovem (23- 24 października 1912 roku). Siły zbrojne stron, działania operacyjne, konsekwencje militarne i polityczne
Get PDFThe battle of Kumanovo traditionally passes as the most important clash of the Serbian and the Ottoman armies in the First Balkan War. The analysis of the military potential of both parties to the conflict, the weapons used by both armies, the positioning of forces, the battle plans and their realizations made possible a new interpretation of the course of the battle and its real meaning. In the light of recent studies, as it turned out, the command of the first Serbian Army not only did not predict the fight to take place near Kumanovo, but it was also unaware of the military operations happening near Kumanovo until the end of the first day of the battle. The ultimate success of the Serbian Army in the battle came more as a result of a lucky coincidence and the actions of the commanding line officers, rather than conscious military operations of the Serbian command, which did not join in the battle until its final stage. As a result of the battle of Kumanovo, the Ottoman Vardar army commanded by Zeki Pasha, which was the strongest one at the site, indeed suffered large losses and was forced to retreat, however, it was not the ultimate defeat. The later battles of Kratovo and Kočani and especially of Prilep and Monastir proved to be decisive. The myth of Kumanovo as a decisive battle of the war served as dynastic propaganda for the Karađorđević and namely, for the current heir to the throne, Aleksander, who formally, assumed command of the fighting troops. The myth was established, though, and also nowadays, the battle of Kumanovo is treated as a symbol of Serbian victory, as, among other things the ceremonies held in 2012 at the 100th anniversary of the battle prove.The battle of Kumanovo traditionally passes as the most important clash of the Serbian and the Ottoman armies in the First Balkan War. The analysis of the military potential of both parties to the conflict, the weapons used by both armies, the positioning of forces, the battle plans and their realizations made possible a new interpretation of the course of the battle and its real meaning. In the light of recent studies, as it turned out, the command of the first Serbian Army not only did not predict the fight to take place near Kumanovo, but it was also unaware of the military operations happening near Kumanovo until the end of the first day of the battle. The ultimate success of the Serbian Army in the battle came more as a result of a lucky coincidence and the actions of the commanding line officers, rather than conscious military operations of the Serbian command, which did not join in the battle until its final stage. As a result of the battle of Kumanovo, the Ottoman Vardar army commanded by Zeki Pasha, which was the strongest one at the site, indeed suffered large losses and was forced to retreat, however, it was not the ultimate defeat. The later battles of Kratovo and Kočani and especially of Prilep and Monastir proved to be decisive. The myth of Kumanovo as a decisive battle of the war served as dynastic propaganda for the Karadjordjević and namely, for the current heir to the throne, Alexander, who formally, assumed command of the fighting troops. The myth was established, though, and also nowadays, the battle of Kumanovo is treated as a symbol of Serbian victory, as, among other things the ceremonies held in 2012 at the 100th anniversary of the battle prove
К вопросу о переселении aлбанцев в Бессарабию в начале XIX в.
Get PDFThe work is devoted to researching the evolution of the scientific interpretations and assessments of the settlement process of the southern part of Bessarabia by Albanian colonists. The article aims at analyzing the late-date historiographical works and investigations of modern, inter-war, postwar and contemporary periods concerning the topic of the migration of Balkan refugees to the territory of Bessarabia in the beginning of the 19th century. On the basis of the historiographical analysis, the following conclusions have been drawn: the research has pointed out the distinct stages and tendencies concerning the aforementioned process. The revision of the sources from that period and the analysis of the contemporary sources give us a possibility to understand the controversies existing in the interpretations of the colonization of Bessarabia at the beginning of the 19th century. In order to elucidate the investigated problem, two basic concepts have been traced out: one from the tsarist imperialist perspective (as in the case of the historiography before Pre-revolution and the Soviet period), and another one from the inter-war and contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian point view. The analysis of the sources and of the research on this subject reveals the scarcity of any specialized studies dealing with the mentioned problem. Moreover, certain important problems are not investigated. Hence, the need to investigate those issues and to find the new sources which would elucidate these problems.The work is devoted to researching the evolution of the scientific interpretations and assessments of the settlement process of the southern part of Bessarabia by Albanian colonists. The article aims at analyzing the late-date historiographical works and investigations of modern, inter-war, postwar and contemporary periods concerning the topic of the migration of Balkan refugees to the territory of Bessarabia in the beginning of the 19th century. On the basis of the historiographical analysis, the following conclusions have been drawn: the research has pointed out the distinct stages and tendencies concerning the aforementioned process. The revision of the sources from that period and the analysis of the contemporary sources give us a possibility to understand the controversies existing in the interpretations of the colonization of Bessarabia at the beginning of the 19th century. In order to elucidate the investigated problem, two basic concepts have been traced out: one from the tsarist imperialist perspective (as in the case of the historiography before Pre-revolution and the Soviet period), and another one from the inter-war and contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian point view. The analysis of the sources and of the research on this subject reveals the scarcity of any specialized studies dealing with the mentioned problem. Moreover, certain important problems are not investigated. Hence, the need to investigate those issues and to find the new sources which would elucidate these problems.The work is devoted to researching the evolution of the scientific interpretations and assessments of the settlement process of the southern part of Bessarabia by Albanian colonists. The article aims at analyzing the late-date historiographical works and investigations of modern, inter-war, postwar and contemporary periods concerning the topic of the migration of Balkan refugees to the territory of Bessarabia in the beginning of the 19th century. On the basis of the historiographical analysis, the following conclusions have been drawn: the research has pointed out the distinct stages and tendencies concerning the aforementioned process. The revision of the sources from that period and the analysis of the contemporary sources give us a possibility to understand the controversies existing in the interpretations of the colonization of Bessarabia at the beginning of the 19th century. In order to elucidate the investigated problem, two basic concepts have been traced out: one from the tsarist imperialist perspective (as in the case of the historiography before Pre-revolution and the Soviet period), and another one from the inter-war and contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian point view. The analysis of the sources and of the research on this subject reveals the scarcity of any specialized studies dealing with the mentioned problem. Moreover, certain important problems are not investigated. Hence, the need to investigate those issues and to find the new sources which would elucidate these problems
L. Moroz-Grzelak, Bracia Słowianie. Wizje wspólnoty a rzeczywistość, wyd. II, Warszawa 2013, ss. 333.
Get PDFGłówne determinanty polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego Republiki Chorwacji w latach 1995-2013
Get PDFThe article investigates the factors which determined the evolution of the national security concept in the Republic of Croatia during the period 1995-2013, as viewed by the political elite as well as the Croatian society. The Croatian public discourse approaches the national security in the context of either a multi-faceted reform of the country’s security sector or an improvement of both the democratic control over the military and security forces. Among the former Yugoslav republics, Croatia accomplished major goals in its pursuit of the national security policy. After a period of arduous reforms and reconstruction, the country has become a member of both the NATO and the European Union. The issues which are still disputed among the researchers are the legal bases for the security policy and the process of the internalization of values lying at the foundation of the security sector reform. It is questionable whether or not the newly established system of legal and institutional references is likely to consolidate in the social, political and economic reality of modern Croatia.The article investigates the factors which determined the evolution of the national security concept in the Republic of Croatia during the period 1995-2013, as viewed by the political elite as well as the Croatian society. The Croatian public discourse approaches the national security in the context of either a multi-faceted reform of the country’s security sector or an improvement of both the democratic control over the military and security forces. Among the former Yugoslav republics, Croatia accomplished major goals in its pursuit of the national security policy. After a period of arduous reforms and reconstruction, the country has become a member of both the NATO and the European Union. The issues which are still disputed among the researchers are the legal bases for the security policy and the process of the internalization of values lying at the foundation of the security sector reform. It is questionable whether or not the newly established system of legal and institutional references is likely to consolidate in the social, political and economic reality of modern Croatia
Наследственное правo молдавских женщин (XIV-XVIIвв). Компаративное исследование
Get PDFThe hereby article presents an analogous analysis of the patrimonial and inheritance legal status of Moldovan women, contrasted with their counterparts in the neighbouring countries, such as Lithuania, Romania, Transylvania, Russia, Serbia and Montenegro. In author’s opinion, woman’s patrimony served as a warranty for her legal and social status. Officially, women could not participate in the political life of the state, yet, some of them, possessing large estates, were indeed influential. Empowered by the autonomous possession and management of their assets, women attained some economic independence in the social sphere. Characterizing the differences and similarities in the status of women regarding the laws of succession, it should be observed that too much emphasis was placed on the legal inequality of women in different countries. In consequence, a stereotype was established in historical literature. Frequently, in European countries, an inconsistency or even a contradiction between legislation and law enforcement could be observed.The hereby article presents an analogous analysis of the patrimonial and inheritance legal status of Moldovan women, contrasted with their counterparts in the neighbouring countries, such as Lithuania, Romania, Transylvania, Russia, Serbia and Montenegro. In author’s opinion, woman’s patrimony served as a warranty for her legal and social status. Officially, women could not participate in the political life of the state, yet, some of them, possessing large estates, were indeed influential. Empowered by the autonomous possession and management of their assets, women attained some economic independence in the social sphere. Characterizing the differences and similarities in the status of women regarding the laws of succession, it should be observed that too much emphasis was placed on the legal inequality of women in different countries. In consequence, a stereotype was established in historical literature. Frequently, in European countries, an inconsistency or even a contradiction between legislation and law enforcement could be observed.The hereby article presents an analogous analysis of the patrimonial and inheritance legal status of Moldovan women, contrasted with their counterparts in the neighbouring countries, such as Lithuania, Romania, Transylvania, Russia, Serbia and Montenegro. In author’s opinion, woman’s patrimony served as a warranty for her legal and social status. Officially, women could not participate in the political life of the state, yet, some of them, possessing large estates, were indeed influential. Empowered by the autonomous possession and management of their assets, women attained some economic independence in the social sphere. Characterizing the differences and similarities in the status of women regarding the laws of succession, it should be observed that too much emphasis was placed on the legal inequality of women in different countries. In consequence, a stereotype was established in historical literature. Frequently, in European countries, an inconsistency or even a contradiction between legislation and law enforcement could be observed
Chrześcijańskie małżonki sułtanów tureckich. Małżeństwa polityczne w Imperium Osmańskim XIV i XV wieku
Get PDFDuring the formation of the Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman rulers, similarly to the European rulers pursued a policy of the matrimonial contract, when entering into political marriages with the daughters of the Christian rulers. Christian wives were not forced to convert to Islam. Their status was clearly defined by a marriage settlement signed by the parents or brothers of a future husband. This contract provided females with the right to retain their religion, their means of sustenance to maintain their homes and mansions, as well as high status. Initially, these marriages and the related family relationships were treated very seriously, and one should not consider them to be only a manifestation of vassalization, they usually brought mutual political benefits. With time, with growing disproportions in the military capabilities of the Ottoman Empire and the Christian states in the Balkans, they became a part of political pressure. This did not mean, though, a departure from the principles of marriage contracts. The abolition of the Byzantine Empire and the Balkan countries caused a withdrawal from the policy of the sultans’ marriage contracts with Christian females, and later, a complete resignation from marriage settlements. After the conquest of the Balkans and Asia Minor, they lost their purpose.During the formation of the Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman rulers, similarly to the European rulers pursued a policy of the matrimonial contract, when entering into political marriages with the daughters of the Christian rulers. Christian wives were not forced to convert to Islam. Their status was clearly defined by a marriage settlement signed by the parents or brothers of a future husband. This contract provided females with the right to retain their religion, their means of sustenance to maintain their homes and mansions, as well as high status. Initially, these marriages and the related family relationships were treated very seriously, and one should not consider them to be only a manifestation of vassalization, they usually brought mutual political benefits. With time, with growing disproportions in the military capabilities of the Ottoman Empire and the Christian states in the Balkans, they became a part of political pressure. This did not mean, though, a departure from the principles of marriage contracts. The abolition of the Byzantine Empire and the Balkan countries caused a withdrawal from the policy of the sultans’ marriage contracts with Christian females, and later, a complete resignation from marriage settlements. After the conquest of the Balkans and Asia Minor, they lost their purpose
Symeon I Wielki – pół Grek? Kilka uwag na temat znaczenia terminu ‘emiargos’ (Liutprand z Kremony, „Antapodosis”, III, 29)
Get PDFByzantines were well aware that Symeon I, Bulgarian sovereign (893–927), was an educated man, deeply rooted in his own culture and not devoid of the knowledge of their world. Such awarness is an undertone of the letters by Nicholas the Mysticus, and was the most emphatically expressed – as the majority of scholars assume – by Liutprand of Cremona. The latter, in his Antapodosis, called Symeon an emiargos, which is supposed to mean semigrecus, ‘a half-Greek.’ However, this meaning is far from established. Michele Bandini has recently suggested that the word may have been a corrupt Latin version of ἡμίεργος, ‘half-developed, unfinished,’ being a negative description of the tsar of Bulgaria. Nevertheless, if one accepts M. Bandini’s idea or assumes the traditional understanding of emiargos as semigrecus, it should be noted that the term should not be understood as an expression of recognition, but rather as Irony, acerbity or even hostility. This interpretation matches far more accurately the overall perception of Symeon’s image in the Byzantine eyes, yet, by no means does it change the present assessment of his accomplishments and legacy.Byzantines were well aware that Symeon I, Bulgarian sovereign (893–927), was an educated man, deeply rooted in his own culture and not devoid of the knowledge of their world. Such awarness is an undertone of the letters by Nicholas the Mysticus, and was the most emphatically expressed – as the majority of scholars assume – by Liutprand of Cremona. The latter, in his Antapodosis, called Symeon an emiargos, which is supposed to mean semigrecus, ‘a half-Greek.’ However, this meaning is far from established. Michele Bandini has recently suggested that the word may have been a corrupt Latin version of ἡμίεργος, ‘half-developed, unfinished,’ being a negative description of the tsar of Bulgaria. Nevertheless, if one accepts M. Bandini’s idea or assumes the traditional understanding of emiargos as semigrecus, it should be noted that the term should not be understood as an expression of recognition, but rather as Irony, acerbity or even hostility. This interpretation matches far more accurately the overall perception of Symeon’s image in the Byzantine eyes, yet, by no means does it change the present assessment of his accomplishments and legacy
