Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Not a member yet
338 research outputs found
Sort by
Gagauzi w Bułgarii, w Mołdawii oraz na Ukrainie – wybrane aspekty
Get PDFThe Gagauz people are an interesting example of a modern micro-nation. They came into being on the Balkan Peninsula. Yet their ethnogenesis is a mystery since direct written sources are missing. There are many theories about their origin. The Gagauz are most frequently perceived as a people of the Turkic origin. Bulgarian scholars view them as Turkified Bulgarians. In the very Bulgaria there remained only very few Gagauzians. This state of affairs is caused by the fact that the majority of Gagauzians emigrated and the remaining ones underwent assimilation. Nowadays they mainly inhabit Bessarabia (in southern Moldova or the western part of the Odessa district in Ukraine). In Moldova their autonomy is recognized by the state. The Gagauzian identity looks different in those three countries. In Bulgaria Gagauzians still have a double identity. They feel both Gagauzians and Bulgarians. In Moldova and Ukraine, in turn, they consider themselves as a separate nation. As far as the Gagauzian faith is concerned, they are everywhere mainly connected with the Orthodox faith. In regard to the Gagauzian-Bulgarian antagonisms one can state that these are the echo of times gone by. These days cooperation and neighborly relations prevail. In their attitudes to Russia, Bessarabian Gagauzians are predominantly Russophiles. Nostalgia for communism and the USSR is widespread. Gagauzians in Bulgaria are not anti-Russian but their view of Russia is not solely idealistic.The Gagauz people are an interesting example of a modern micro-nation. They came into being on the Balkan Peninsula. Yet their ethnogenesis is a mystery since direct written sources are missing. There are many theories about their origin. The Gagauz are most frequently perceived as a people of the Turkic origin. Bulgarian scholars view them as Turkified Bulgarians. In the very Bulgaria there remained only very few Gagauzians. This state of affairs is caused by the fact that the majority of Gagauzians emigrated and the remaining ones underwent assimilation. Nowadays they mainly inhabit Bessarabia (in southern Moldova or the western part of the Odessa district in Ukraine). In Moldova their autonomy is recognized by the state. The Gagauzian identity looks different in those three countries. In Bulgaria Gagauzians still have a double identity. They feel both Gagauzians and Bulgarians. In Moldova and Ukraine, in turn, they consider themselves as a separate nation. As far as the Gagauzian faith is concerned, they are everywhere mainly connected with the Orthodox faith. In regard to the Gagauzian-Bulgarian antagonisms one can state that these are the echo of times gone by. These days cooperation and neighborly relations prevail. In their attitudes to Russia, Bessarabian Gagauzians are predominantly Russophiles. Nostalgia for communism and the USSR is widespread. Gagauzians in Bulgaria are not anti-Russian but their view of Russia is not solely idealistic
Typologia i uwarunkowania historyczno-kulturowe przywództwa politycznego na Bałkanach
Get PDFThe aim of the paper is to analyze the types and determinants of political leadership in the Balkans. Were these types the copies of the Ottoman model of power, did they reflect native models or were some other models adapted? The theoretical part of the article is based on the cultural theory of leadership (A. Wildavski). Wildavski formulates the thesis that historical and cultural determinants allow us to assume the existence of political leadership in the Balkans, namely, all forms of strong leadership: despotic, absolutist, autocratic and dictatorial (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro). Our considerations concern the period from the national uprisings in the Balkans in the 19th c. until the middle of the 20th c., so till the times when the Ottoman heritage could influence the political and social life in the collective memory. The situation of Europe after 1945 changed radically due to establishing communist states in the Balkan Peninsula and the appearance of an utterly different type of political power. The paper formulates as well the second main thesis that the general leadership in the Balkans in the 19th – 20th cs. was based on shortages: the shortage of political and legal culture, the shortage of elites, of social power, security, education, traffic routes (disintegration), cities and townsfolk etc. All this impeded social development and facilitated the appearance of strong, patriarchal leadership in its different forms. Not all cultural factors and historical heritage affected the character of leadership in an equally powerful manner, but one can distinguish the common core.The aim of the paper is to analyze the types and determinants of political leadership in the Balkans. Were these types the copies of the Ottoman model of power, did they reflect native models or were some other models adapted? The theoretical part of the article is based on the cultural theory of leadership (A. Wildavski). Wildavski formulates the thesis that historical and cultural determinants allow us to assume the existence of political leadership in the Balkans, namely, all forms of strong leadership: despotic, absolutist, autocratic and dictatorial (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro). Our considerations concern the period from the national uprisings in the Balkans in the 19th c. until the middle of the 20th c., so till the times when the Ottoman heritage could influence the political and social life in the collective memory. The situation of Europe after 1945 changed radically due to establishing communist states in the Balkan Peninsula and the appearance of an utterly different type of political power. The paper formulates as well the second main thesis that the general leadership in the Balkans in the 19th – 20th cs. was based on shortages: the shortage of political and legal culture, the shortage of elites, of social power, security, education, traffic routes (disintegration), cities and townsfolk etc. All this impeded social development and facilitated the appearance of strong, patriarchal leadership in its different forms. Not all cultural factors and historical heritage affected the character of leadership in an equally powerful manner, but one can distinguish the common core
Procesy akulturacji galicyjskich Żydów w Bośni – analiza teczek urzędniczych
Get PDFThe Archives of Bosnia-Herzegovina, marked with tragedy of fire, had stored large archive collections of files of Austro-Hungarian officials. Among them there had been a numerous group of files of Galician officials, including those of Jewish descent (20%). The collection of 19 files that has survived the fire does not entitle us to unequivocally state any thesis on processes of acculturation of Galician Jews in Bosnia. Nevertheless, we can observe that many Ashkenazi newcomers from Galicia described themselves as Poles, even though initially they had not identified with Polish national idea. Possibly the reason for this is the fact that the Polish community in Bosnia was culturally closer to Galician Jews than local Sephardic population or Ashkenazi immigrants from other countries.The Archives of Bosnia-Herzegovina, marked with tragedy of fire, had stored large archive collections of files of Austro-Hungarian officials. Among them there had been a numerous group of files of Galician officials, including those of Jewish descent (20%). The collection of 19 files that has survived the fire does not entitle us to unequivocally state any thesis on processes of acculturation of Galician Jews in Bosnia. Nevertheless, we can observe that many Ashkenazi newcomers from Galicia described themselves as Poles, even though initially they had not identified with Polish national idea. Possibly the reason for this is the fact that the Polish community in Bosnia was culturally closer to Galician Jews than local Sephardic population or Ashkenazi immigrants from other countries
Seasonal pastoral exploitation of forests in the area of Subcarpathia in the 15th and 16th century
Get PDFThe arguments included in the article were based on a small number of information preserved in the sources, which concern a seasonal presence of the Wallachian shepherds in the areas situated north of the line designating the scope of permanent (year-round) rural settlements founded on the Wallachian law. It was practised both in forests belonging to the king as well as in private estates throughout all seasons. This research resulted in the thesis stating that groups of the Wallachian shepherds led a seasonal grazing of their herds in the submontane areas already in the 15th century. Various factors, primarily of an economic nature, made these pastoral activities disappear or, at least, made them significantly limited at the turn of the 16th and 17th century. Pastoralism of a transhumance type existed throughout the entire period under discussion, in modern sources referred to as koszarnictwo (transhumance herding), consisting in periodic migrations of pastoral groups from permanent villages. Similarly to what I have claimed in my previously published research on the Wallachian pastoralism in the Carpathian areas, there are no indications in the sources, which would justify a thesis for a long time widespread in historical studies, on the presence of a nomadic phase in the history of the Wallachian colonization in the Polish areas. Also in the case of the areas currently studied, its existence can be given no confirmation.The arguments included in the article were based on a small number of information preserved in the sources, which concern a seasonal presence of the Wallachian shepherds in the areas situated north of the line designating the scope of permanent (year-round) rural settlements founded on the Wallachian law. It was practised both in forests belonging to the king as well as in private estates throughout all seasons. This research resulted in the thesis stating that groups of the Wallachian shepherds led a seasonal grazing of their herds in the submontane areas already in the 15th century. Various factors, primarily of an economic nature, made these pastoral activities disappear or, at least, made them significantly limited at the turn of the 16th and 17th century. Pastoralism of a transhumance type existed throughout the entire period under discussion, in modern sources referred to as koszarnictwo (transhumance herding), consisting in periodic migrations of pastoral groups from permanent villages. Similarly to what I have claimed in my previously published research on the Wallachian pastoralism in the Carpathian areas, there are no indications in the sources, which would justify a thesis for a long time widespread in historical studies, on the presence of a nomadic phase in the history of the Wallachian colonization in the Polish areas. Also in the case of the areas currently studied, its existence can be given no confirmation
Źródła narracyjne do dziejów Polonii w Bośni i Hercegowinie w okresie austro-węgierskim
Get PDFIn my paper I make an attempt to present the current state of knowledge on the source base concerning the Polish community in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian period. I analyze exclusively narrative sources, which I classified according to the Polish groups which appeared there (peasants, intelligentsia and soldiers). I also evaluate the usefulness of those narrative sources in my research. I briefly characterized each source naming its author, the context as well as the approximate date of the appearance of a given source, which will certainly contribute to the further research.In my paper I make an attempt to present the current state of knowledge on the source base concerning the Polish community in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian period. I analyze exclusively narrative sources, which I classified according to the Polish groups which appeared there (peasants, intelligentsia and soldiers). I also evaluate the usefulness of those narrative sources in my research. I briefly characterized each source naming its author, the context as well as the approximate date of the appearance of a given source, which will certainly contribute to the further research
Aleksandru Madgearu, Byzantine Military Organization on the Danube, 10th–12th Centuries, Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013, ss. 212 [= East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, vol. 22]
Get PDF
Kilka uwag na rzecz rehabilitacji zapomnianej filiacji Stefana Nemanji
Get PDFContemporary historians agree that the father of grand prince Stephen Nemanja was Zavida. This opinion is based on the comparison of genealogical data from different sources. The data, however, is not as unequivocal as it is supposed to be. The close analysis of the account of Ansbert, the chronicler of the third crusade, suggests a different understanding of some of the data. It should be admitted that the discussion concerning the identity of Nemanja’s father was closed too early. The seals of Nemanja and his brother Stracimir prove beyond doubt that both brothers had the same name Stephen. Most probably they inherited the same names from their father. Even though already at the end of 1980s Jan Leśny in one of his works mentioned this fact, it still has not been properly explored in historiography. However, this observation lets us assume that Nemanja’s father could be Stephen Vukan, known only from reference made by Anna Komnene. Such a filiation has been already presented but on the basis of wrong premises. Now it receives a deserved recognition.Contemporary historians agree that the father of grand župan Stephen Nemanja was Zavida. This opinion is based on convergent evidence of genealogical data from different sources. The data, however, is not as unequivocal as it is supposed to be. A more detailed analysis of the account of Ansbert, the chronicler of the third crusade, suggests a different understanding of some of the data. It should be admitted that the discussion concerning the identity of Nemanja’s father was ceased too early. The seals of Nemanja and his real brother Stracimir prove beyond doubt that both brothers had the same name Stephen; most probably they inherited it from their father. Even though at the end of 1980s Jan Leśny in one of his works already mentioned this fact, it still has not been properly explored in historiography. However, this observation lets us assume that Nemanja’s father could be Stephen Vukan, known only from reference made by Anna Komnene. Such a filiation has been already presented but on the basis of wrong premises. Now it receives a deserved recognition