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From environmental impact assessment to strategic environmental assesment: challenges for Chilean and Latin American environmental policy
Evaluación ambiental, evaluación estratégica, política ambiental, environmental assessment, strategic assessment, environmental policyDiversos autores han observado un tránsito de menor a mayor complejidad en las políticas de evaluación ambiental, pasando desde un enfoque originariamente sectorial hacia una perspectiva sistémica y estratégica. Sin embargo, como en todo proceso político, estos tránsitos no son homogéneos ni lineales. De hecho, existen importantes diferencias en los sistemas de evaluación ambiental del Norte y del Sur global. En este ensayo conceptual y bibliográfico, analizamos cómo las premisas del crecimiento económico tensionan el diseño y la aplicación de normativas para la evaluación ambiental en América Latina y Chile, dificultando la construcción de una evaluación sistémica, estratégica y democrática con la urgencia que se requiere en el contexto crítico del Antropoceno.Several authors report a transition from lower to higher complexity in the environmental assessment politics, from an originally sectoral approach to a systemic and strategic perspective. However, as in any political process, these shifts are neither homogeneous nor linear. In fact, there are significant differences in the environmental assessment systems of the global North and South. This theoretical essay analyzes the tensions that the economic growth causes on the design and application of the environmental assessments in Latin America and Chile; and how the economic pressures have hampered the construct of a systemic, strategic and democratic environmental assessment, with the urgency that the critical Anthropocene context demands nowadays
Evaluation of the science-policy interface at the local level in the implementation of Local Agenda 21 in Michoacan (Mexico)
Interfaz ciencia-política, sistemas de conocimiento, municipalismo, gobierno local, diseño de políticas, gobernanza, desarrollo sostenible, transdisciplina, science-policy interface, knowledge systems, municipalism, local government,
policy design, governance, sustainable development, transdisciplineEste trabajo evaluó la interfaz ciencia-política (ICP) propiciada por el instrumento Agenda Local 21 en su versión mexicana (Agenda Desde lo Local); que conjuntó a funcionarios estatales (FE), municipales (FM) y expertos académicos (EX) sobre la gestión para el desarrollo sostenible en los municipios de Michoacán (México) entre 2008 y 2013. La evaluación utilizó un marco conceptual con cuatro categorías analíticas integradas por 16 factores y 39 atributos. En la categoría de factores sistémicos, los objetivos y procesos de la ICP mostraron fortalezas, pero las salidas fueron débiles. En la categoría de factores actitudinales, la distancia cognitiva y niveles de realidad entre FM y EX estuvieron diferenciados. La motivación, el compromiso y la percepción del otro fueron excelentes en FE, pero en FM y EX se expresaron insuficientemente. La evaluación identificó lecciones aprendidas de interés en el diseño de instrumentos de política pública para el encuentro entre la ciencia y la política.This work evaluated the Science-Policy Interface (SPI) promoted by the political instrument Agenda Local 21 in its Mexican version (called Agenda Desde lo Local) which articulated state officials (SO), municipal officials (MO), and academic experts (EX) on local management for sustainable development and were implemented in Michoacan (Mexico) between 2008 and 2013. The evaluation was conducted through a conceptual framework with four analytical categories spanning 16 factors and 39 attributes. Among the systemic factors, the objectives and processes of the interface showed strength, but the outputs had uncertain impacts. The attitudinal factors of involved actors showed high cognitive distance and very differentiated levels of reality between MO and EX. The motivation, commitment, and perception of the others were excellent in SO, but the remaining actors showed weak performance. The evaluation led to lessons learned of interest in the design of political instruments that promote the links between science and policy
Administrative corruption and terrorism: a considerable distancing between interests and publications
Problemas sociales, administración pública, delitos, fraude, corrupción, social problems, public administration, crimes, fraud, corruptionEste estudio investiga la corrupción administrativa (CA) que sufrió alteraciones significativas en los últimos veinte años, pero los intereses existentes aún están lejos de ser atendidos. A partir del análisis de clúster para 253 artículos publicados (double review) se evidenciaron oportunidades y brechas en el trabajo de la ciencia que investiga la CA en el mundo. A partir de un análisis de contenido y de correspondencia, se comprobó que la violencia extrema, como el terrorismo y el narcotráfico, no se analizan en la agenda de la investigación de la CA; “crimen y punición” forman un enlace histórico en la teoría de la CA, pero raramente son investigados en el nivel del comportamiento humano y de Data Science; hay una incidencia significativa de publicaciones relacionadas con las prácticas de combate a la ca, mientras que los estudios que investigaron externalidades positivas y negativas para ese tema son escasos.Research investigating administrative corruption (AC) has changed significantly in the last twenty years, but the existing interests are still far from being met. From the cluster analysis for 253 published articles (double review) were shown opportunities and gaps in the work of science that investigates the AC in the world. From a content analysis and correspondence analysis, it was found that extreme violence, such as terrorism and drug trafficking, are not discussed in AC research agenda; “crime and punishment” form a historical link in AC theory, but they are often investigated at the level of human behaviour and Data Science; there is a significant incidence of publications related to AC combat practices. However, for this subject few studies have explored both positive and negative externalities
“My use of social media is not presidential-it’s modern day presidential”: el entendimiento judicial en Estados Unidos de la doctrina del discurso gubernamental en redes sociales
La presente tesina busca demostrar que la doctrina judicial del discurso gubernamental no es una manera adecuada para proteger la libertad de expresión en litigios sobre bloqueos por parte de servidores públicos en redes sociales, ya que tiene un mayor traslape con la doctrina del foro público. Lo anterior resulta problemático desde que ambas doctrinas están en tensión pues cada una ofrece un marco alternativo para resolver este tipo de casos. Así, en el presente trabajo realizo un análisis de los casos más relevantes sobre bloqueos por parte de servidores públicos resueltos por Cortes Federales en Estados Unidos: 1) Davison v. Randall; 2) Morgan v. Bevin; 3) Knight First Amendment Institute v. Trump; 4) Price v. City of New York; 5) Leuthy v. LePage; 6) One Wish. Now v. Kremer y 7) Campbell v. Reisch
The costly business of telling the truth: an analysis of the independent journalism business model in Mexico
La pandemia ha mostrado a la industria periodística como una cadena de eslabones débiles: la calidad de los reportajes es frágil porque el oficio se encuentra bajo constante amenaza; las cadenas de distribución son endebles porque los medios compiten bajo las reglas opacas que los algoritmos dictan; los medios de comunicación están apenas en pie porque la mayor parte de los modelos de negocios de las empresas periodísticas tradicionales son altamente dependientes de la publicidad oficial. Pese a estas condiciones, existen ejemplos de nuevos medios de comunicación que comienzan, desde una escala más pequeña, a reforzar los eslabones de su oficio y plantear desde la práctica un periodismo que no solo sobreviva, sino que sea capaz de crecer y florecer en la nueva normalidad. Sin embargo, para entender los nuevos rumbos del oficio, es preciso adentrarse primero en el periodismo que está en crisis: el tradicional, el que ya estaba vivo cuando llegó Internet, el que es generalista y tiene corresponsales en todo el país, el de las grandes oficinas y redacciones. Entender cómo ha variado su dependencia de la publicidad oficial en los últimos 20 años, la época posterior a la alternancia democrática del 2000, y cómo ha cambiado la relación entre prensa y gobierno en medio de una pandemia que trajo consigo una crisis económica sin precedentes permitirá encontrar las claves que han permitido a un puñado de medios independientes y nativos encontrar en la crisis una oportunidad.The COVID-19 pandemic has shown the newspaper industry as a chain of weak links. The quality of the journalistic works is fragile because the profession is under constant threat. The distribution of information is sloppy and inadequate because the media compete under the opaque that the algorithms dictate. The media is barely standing because most of the business models of traditional newspaper companies are highly dependent on official advertising. Despite these conditions, there are examples of new media that begin (from a smaller scale) to reinforce the news media ecosystem and to promote a journalism that seems capable of growing and flourishing in the future. However, in order to understand the successful examples is necessary to take a look on the journalism in crisis: the traditional one, the one that was already alive when the Internet arrived, the one that is generalist and has correspondents throughout the country, that of the large offices and newsrooms. Understand how their dependence on official advertising has changed in the last 20 years, after the democratic alternation of 2000, and how the relationship between the press and the government has changed in the midst of a pandemic that brought with it an unprecedented economic crisis. By understanding this terrain that is currently uphill, it is possible to find the keys that have allowed to some independent and native media projects to transform the crisis to opportunities
Organizational reputation and staff retention in the constitutional autonomous agencies in Mexico
This thesis is located in the debate on human resources management in public administration. The low confidence that citizens have in the bureaucracy and government institutions has negative implications for agencies’ human resource management—for instance, in attracting and retaining staff. Therefore, a deeper analysis of how public agencies are perceived, not only by citizens but by the different audiences that interact with them is needed. Within this debate, organizational reputation management is an alternative that works to protect organizations against potential external attacks, achieve superior results, or increase trust in institutions and administrative agents. It can also help public organizations to communicate with their audiences to, among other things, gain autonomy and power, better coordinate with other government entities, or improve human resources management. As public administration depends on bureaucracy as a critical element in delivering goods and services, it will be necessary for organizations to retain their best employees to improve their outcomes and thereby improve perceptions vis-à-vis their multiple audiences. In this sense, this thesis explores the concept of organizational reputation and analyzes reputation management as an alternative tool to retain valuable public employees. The first article in this work consists of a systematic literature review that analyzes the concept of organizational reputation in the context of public administration. This article answers essential questions to understand how the organizational reputation process develops in the public sector. The work analyzes 119 articles and seven books to review five critical aspects of this literature: its conceptualization, the types of reputation used in the literature, the antecedents identified as relevant in the process of organizational reputation, the results (or consequences) of using reputational lenses, and the multidimensionality of the concept. The second article focuses on studying the relationship between public organizations’ audiences and the multidimensionality of reputation. This work questions whether all audiences perceive multidimensionality in the same way. To answer this question, the responses of two audiences to a survey that measures organizational reputation in the Constitutional Autonomous Agencies in Mexico are examined employing a factor analysis. The results show that the public does perceive reputation differently since each audience has different characteristics and interests that influence their evaluation of the agencies. Finally, the third article examines the relationship between organizational reputation and staff retention in the Constitutional Autonomous Agencies in Mexico. Based on a survey of employees of five agencies, the article shows that having a positive reputation is crucial for public employees when deciding whether to remain or leave their jobs. The results imply that building and maintaining a positive reputation must be relevant for public managers due to its implications for human resource management
Does education increase risk aversion in households? Some evidence using artefactual experiments in Peru
Experiments, surveys, risk attitudes, education, Latin AmericaWe provide empirical evidence supporting a causal link between education and risk attitudes when using representative data from representative surveys and artefactual or lab-on-the-field experiments in Lima, Peru. We employ three standard experimental measures of risk attitudes and find that each is positively correlated with years of education. Furthermore, we suggest that this relationship may be causal as we take advantage of an identification strategy that exploits an exogenous boom in the construction of new schools in Lima, providing evidence that more education may increase risk attitudes. Our findings are further confirmed when applying a broad set of robustness tests
Political cycles in Latin America: more evidence on the Brazilian economy
Political cycles, monetary policy, fiscal policy, Blinder-Watson decomposition, Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) modelThis paper aims to shed additional light on the existence of opportunistic and partisan political-business cycles in the Brazilian economy over the 1996-2016 period. To that end, it relies on two different approaches: (I) an Oaxaca model in the spirit of Blinder and Watson (2016); and (II) a DSGE model where fiscal and monetary policies are treated as political- regime dependent (Milani, 2010). By and large, our results from both exercises show that there existed an opportunistic behavior by all the governments studied as regards fiscal policy, and that political ideology played a role in shaping macroeconomic policies in some of the administrations that ran the country within the time span considered. Specifically, as our DSGE exercise illustrates, President Dilma Rouseff’s fiscal management differed significantly from previous governments’. In addition, we do not find any evidence of political business cycle of any type when it comes to monetary policy, in line with what the consensus in this literature states for the case of Brazil
Ideological polarization, segregation and the new media in Mexico
Polarización ideológica, segregación, nuevos medios, redes sociales, burbujas informativas, ideological polarization, segregation, new media, social networks, echo chambersEste artículo es la primera aproximación a los fenómenos de polarización y segregación ideológicas en México y su relación con el consumo de información en los nuevos medios digitales. El estudio muestra que el uso de las redes sociales sí está asociado a una mayor polarización. No obstante, la polarización no es extrema y en las regresiones pesan más otros factores, como la identificación partidista o el interés en la política y las noticias. Además, el estudio apunta a que la segregación en el mundo digital es mínima si se compara con la —ya de por sí baja— que se registra en Estados Unidos. En ambos casos la segregación es mayor en el mundo real de las interacciones personales que en el digital. Al final, la evidencia no valida la idea de que los nuevos medios sean altamente polarizantes o de que creen burbujas o silos informativos.The following paper represents a preliminary attempt to understand how the absorption of information through new media shapes the phenomenon of polarization and ideological segregation in Mexico. The research shows that there is a correlation between the use of social media and polarization. However, the resulting level of polarization is not particularly high and other factors, such as party identification and interest in politics, are more relevant. Furthermore, the present study indicates that ideological segregation in the Mexican digital world is well below the already low-level observed in the United States. And in both countries, ideological segregation is greater in the real world of personal interactions. At the end of the day, the evidence does not bear out the idea that new media is highly polarizing or that it creates echo chambers or silos
Los efectos disuasivos de la tipificación del feminicidio en la tasa de muertes violentas de mujeres en México
Este texto, tiene como objetivo analizar cuál es el efecto de incorporar al feminicidio como delito en los códigos penales sobre la tasa de feminicidios en México. Se encuentra que la variable de interés (la tipificación del feminicidio), no tiene un impacto estadísticamente significativo sobre las muertes violentas de mujeres con características de feminicidio. Es decir que, el incluir el delito de feminicidio en los códigos penales no tiene un impacto en la reducción de la incidencia de este delito