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ფილოსოფიური შემეცნება. PHILOSOPHICAL COGNITION
It is no secret that understanding of the phenomenon of cognition
in the history of philosophy has never been uniform. It is
clear that understanding of the nature of cognition, its meaning and
value was quite diff erent, let’s say in the antic epoch or the Middle
Ages than it is in our times when science has become an immediate
productive power and, accordingly, the aim of the cognitive activity
is determined by the production of material goods. Nowadays the
problems that science has to solve are posed by factories and laboratories.
But for Aristotle, one of the most prominent philosophers
of Antiquity, philosophy is the supreme among all sciences since it
is free. It means that it is not determined by anything and has the
end of its existence in itself. Contemplation of the fi rst causes and
principles is prior to all other activities. According to Aristotle, it is a
supreme activity. That is why it is impossible to place any other science
above philosophical cognition since the most divine is the most valuable as well. Aristotle concludes that all other sciences are more
necessary than philosophy though none is better and more valuable
than it (Aristotle, 1976:70) Thus, according to Aristotle, a contemplative
attitude to reality is valuable in itself. It has in itself the
instance that justifi es it and attaches the meaning to it. Therefore,
the signifi cance of the theoretical work for man is determined not
by the truth itself or, as later Spinoza will say, intellectual love for
God. In this sense, it is a real entelechy (“entelechy” means having
the end in itself). In this respect, the Aristotelian interpretation of
cognition as an activity which has its end in itself and is of the original
value opposes the understanding of the cognition formulated in
the New Times by Francis Bacon. According to Bacon, knowledge is
power, therefore the value of the cognitive activity is determined by
the practical-utilitarian results ensuing from it, namely, such a result
is man’s domination over the forces of nature.
A quite diff erent interpretation of the essence of cognition is
given by Heraclitus of Ephesus. According to him, cognition of an
event means understanding the place of this event in the universal
unity of the world and the relation of this unity to Logos. That is why
Heraclitus says that the mark of wisdom is to be in consent not with
him, but with Logos and to understand that everything is in unity
since there is only one wisdom – to use everything to conceive the
essence which constitutes all things in the world (Anthology of the
world Philosophy, 1969:279).
Wisdom and knowledge imply the relation to this unity and retaining
it. Therefore, the matter is not how much we know but whether
we know the One that rules the universal unity of the things and
phenomena in the world. Therefore, it is evident that Heraclitus
understands cognition in his own way and needs much more from
cognition than a mere description of its factual and immediate presence
or even determining its closest causes. Heraclitus who relies
on such a deep conception of cognition would, of course, have never
admitted that the present-day scientifi c interpretation of cognition is cognition. It is not just a historical-chronological limitation of
Heraclitus’s interpretation of cognition that matters, but a diff erent
understanding of the concept of cognition, and the existence of different
world outlook models of cognition. Thus, for example, present-
day botany off ers us certain knowledge on ivy or a pomegranate
tree. In particular, it describes the morphological structure of these
plants (e.g., ivy is characterized by a mosaic arrangement of leaves,
etc.), and states the biological regularities of their functioning and
vital activities. But botany as long as we remain within the limits of
this science will fail to explain why the united world being displayed
itself as a vegetal being and, in its turn, why the vegetal being is
displayed in the modus of ‘ivy’ or ‘a pomegranate fl ower’. This eventually
is to be explained by philosophy which certainly will have to
consider the data obtained by botany or any other special science.
It is certain that Heraclitus relying on his specifi c understanding of
cognition would not be satisfi ed with the data concerning plants given
by botany only. Even more, he would never have considered it a
“cognition”.
In our epoch of unprecedented development of science M.
Heidegger stated that science does not think (die wissenschaft denkt
nicht) (Heidegger M. 1971:4). Later Heidegger interpreted this, at the
fi rst sight, paradoxical statement when said that the phrase “science
does not think” means that science does not move in the dimension
of philosophy. He thinks that science remains in the sphere of an
existing or the unity of existings and never manages to enter the
sphere of the being. Therefore, it has nothing to do with the conceptualization
of the being. “Thinking”/ cognition in its genuine sense is
the task of poetry and philosophy and not of science since the basis
of science is in the development of the contemporary technique and
not vice versa (Heidegger M. 1970:72).
Therefore, as we can see, it is possible to speak about various
understandings of the concept of cognition in the great systems of
the theory of cognition throughout the whole history of gnosiology. Thus, for example, cognition as comprehension of the meaning, the
“logos” of the universal unity of the world is given by Heraclitus, cognition
as remembering or reminiscence is found at Plato, cognition
as constituting the object of cognition in the process of cognition
– at Kant, cognition as admitting theoretical value – at Rickert, cognition
as self-revealing of the being and existing in it – in existentialism,
cognition as a refl ection of the regularities of the objective
reality in order to transform it – in the Marxist gnosiology, etc. These
interpretations of the concept of cognition, of course, form a certain
unity without which there could be no united history of cognitive
theoretical thinking
The impact of projects financed by foreign state debt on the economic stability of the country
1. მოხსენება „საქართველოს 2021 წლის სახელმწიფო ბიუჯეტის შესრულების მიმდინარეობის
შესახებ“ – სახელმწიფო აუდიტის სამსახური, 2021 წელი; https://www.sao.ge/ka/მოხსენება-
საქართველოს-2021-წლი2021102004336114ka.html
2. „საქართველოს სახელმწიფო ვალის ზრდის პრობლემა Covid-19 – ის პანდემიით გამოწვეული
ეკონომიკური კრიზისის პირობებში“ – ვ. პაპავა, ვ. ჭარაია – ექსპერტის აზრი გამოცემა N152.
2021;
3. „მთავრობის ვალის მართვის სტრატეგია 2019-2021“ – საქართველოს ფინანსთა სამინისტრო.
2019 წელი, https://www.mof.ge/images/File/DMS-GEO-2019-2021.pdf ;
4. Nyekachi N. Amadi “Public Debts Stock And Economic Growth”, 2021;
5. World Economic Outlook – International Monetary Found – 2021 Jan.
https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WEO/Issues/2022/01/25/world-economic-outlook-update-january-2022
6. F. Roch: “Debt and Fiscal Commitment”, IMF Analytical Series, 2022.
7. Data for Georgia, Upper Middle Income.” The World Bank, 2020.
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?locations=GE
8. David, A., J. Guajardo, and J. Yepez. “The Rewards of Fiscal Consolidations: Sovereign Spreads and
Confidence Effects.” Journal of International Money and Finance 123 (May): 102602. 2022.A large part of public debt spending is directed to social security, and infrastructure projects are reduced,
which directly affects the economic situation of the country. At the same time, it is important to invest public
debt to finance such measures that will promote local production, so that the benefits obtained exceed the
debt burden.
For the state budget, the main challenge in terms of loans issued at the expense of foreign credit resources
is credit risk, the effect of which has increased especially during the pandemic period. Realization of credit risks
is manifested, on the one hand, in the restructuring of loans, and on the other hand, in the indirect payment of
service and repayment costs of loans from the state budget.
It is important to properly evaluate and identify such projects, that will be financed by foreign government
debt. This will allow the country to avoid excessive debt and its service costs. The economic situation and creditworthiness
of the country are of decisive importance for project evaluation
Formation and regulation of the minimum wage features in Georgia
Bedianashvili, G., Bichia, Q., & Natsvlishvili, E. (2021). Development of Entrepreneurial Activity, Labor Market and Modern Challenges of Higher Education. Globalization and Business. 12, 21-31. (In Georgian). https://eugb.ge/uploads/content/N12/Givi%20Bedianashvili.pdf
Consumer Budget: Essence, Types and Methods of Formation - Labor Economics (studme.org)
Danilov, A. A., & Danilova, V. A. (2011). Consumer Budgets and their Importance for Improving the Living Standards of the Population. (cyberleninka.ru).
Decree 192 President of Georgia 22th April 2002. On Approval of the State Program for Raising the Minimum Wage and the Living Wage for 2002-2005. https://www.matsne.gov.ge/ka/document/view/115780?publication=0
Decree 351 President of Georgia 4th June 1999. On the Amount of the Minimum Wage. https://matsne.gov.ge/ka/document/view/%20112786?publication=0
Decree 43 President of Georgia. On Some Measures to Regulate the Remuneration of Employees of Executive Authorities. 24th January 2005. https://matsne.gov.ge/ka/document%20/view/94168?publication=0
Gaganidze, G. (2020). World Economic Before Pandemic, During Pandemic and after Pandemic. International Scientific-Practical Magazine. Globalization and Business, 12, 2.
Gelashvili, S., Mindorashvili, M., Abesadze, N., Okruashvili, M., Kutsurua, K., Fantsulaia, N., & Gelashvili, N. (2021). Monograph - Impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic on the Standard of Living in Georgia. Publishing TSU.
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Jalagonia, D. (2019). The Minimum Wage in Georgia Will Become 320 GEL-Trade Union Law. BM.GE.
Kharaishvili, E., Erkomaishvili, G., Natsvlishvili, I., & Lobjanidze, M. (2021). Challenges of Food Transportation and Policy Priorities in Georgia. International Scientific-Practical Magazine Economics and Business, 13, 3. (tsu.ge).
Khelaia, N. (2020). The Minimum Wage 07.04.2020. The Minimum Wage - 1TV.
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Makalatia, I. (2020). What Results May Bring the Introduction of a Minimum Wage in Georgia. BM.GE.
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Tsartsidze, M. (2016). Poverty and the Economic Development Factors in Georgia. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Scientific journal, 1, vienna 2016.
Tsartsidze, M. (2022). Unemployment and poverty in Georgia. Monograph. Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. Publisher of TSU. Tbilisi.
Tsartsidze, M., & Gabadadze Sh. (2022). Determining and Regulating the Subsistence Level Peculiarities in Georgia. Economics and Business. 1, 2022. http://eb.tsu.ge/?cat=nomer&leng=ge
Tukhashvili, M. (2011). Peculiarities of Labour Market Formation in Georgia in the Post-Soviet Period. International Conference: Labour Market and Employment 15-17 september, Izmit, Turkey.
Tukhashvili, M. (2012). Georgian Labour Market in the condition of Political and Economic Crisis. In the book:Youth Employment: Challenges and Opportunites. Timisoara. Eurostampa.In the interests of economic development and economic efficiency, in the current global crisis, priority is given to the development of human capital, increase the competitiveness of the workforce, creating fundamentally new mechanisms to stimulate labour, this, in turn, ensures an increase in labour productivity, its quality and efficiency. The successful solution of this problem requires the improvement of the organization of wages and its optimal state regulation. In the conditions of the current global crisis, role of the state in the field of wage regulation is more social in nature and its main function is to ensure a minimum level of income for the population. This last one, should be carried out by establishing a real subsistence minimum, a minimum wage and establishing an optimal ratio between them. In developed countries, the minimum wage is regulated on the basis of economic development, labour productivity, the level of average wages and the real value of the minimum consumer budget. The specific amount of the minimum wage is set at the national level by the legislature of the country, and its size in a particular area or region is determined by agreements concluded between trade unions and representatives of trade unions. In determining it, the following shall be taken into account: the needs of workers and their family members; the overall level of wages in the country; the value of life and its change; factors of economic development; level of labour productivity and opportunities to achieve and maintain a high level of employment. The purpose of establishing a minimum wage is to provide social protection for employees. Indeed, "The minimum wage has historically been a social protection mechanism which should protect low-wage workers and their families from poverty" (Khelaia, 2020,2). This problem is especially relevant for our country, because to date, there is no comprehensive mechanism for state regulation of the minimum wage and its defining Legislative Framework.
In a scientific article is presented the formation of the minimum wage and its peculiarities of regulation, analysis of the related legal framework from the Soviet period to the present day in Georgia. Is established the basic principles, goals and objectives of minimum wage formation. Particular attention is paid to the assessment of the pros and cons of the legally established minimum wage. The final section presents the main directions for calculating the minimum wage and improving its state regulation in Georgia
Dimitri Uznadze On Caligula and Nero
The present paper is historiographical in nature and aims to identify
two interesting issues that have not been studied in the historical literature
to date: 1. Interest in Caligula and Nero's work in Georgian historiography
and 2. Dimitri Uznadze on Caligula and Nero. This issue is an integral
part of the first problem.
In Georgia, the interest in this issue has a much longer history than
it was thought during the Soviet period. We consider its beginning in
1921 to be delayed by the Sovietization of Georgia. He took the first
modest steps not after the Sovietization of Georgia, as it was thought
until now, but a little earlier. The opening of Tbilisi State University on
January 26, 1918 by the great Ivane Javakhishvili and the creation of
the Democratic Republic of Georgia in 1918-1921 are a gradual event
in the study of ancient world history in Georgia. This was a reality that
the Bolsheviks did not spare their strength to somehow erase from the
consciousness of the Georgian society, but in vain. The interest in this
issue in Georgia became scientifically popular in the Democratic Republic
of Georgia in 1918-1921 and was mainly reflected in the textbooks
of ancient world history. They just could not do more. Whatever
they managed to do, of course, it was no small matter. As it turns out,
the Georgian historiography of the Soviet period in this field did not
even start its activity on an empty ground, from scratch, but met a prepared
environment, which they tried in vain to silence.
A general picture and periodization of the study of this issue in
Georgia, which was distorted by the efforts of the totalitarian-Bolshevik
regime. We tried to correct this inconsistency and restore reality. Not all
good deeds are associated with the Soviet government. The main starting
point of a different approach was the resuscitation and rehabilitation
of the contribution of the Democratic Republic of Georgia in this field
in 1918-1921. The precondition for the scientific development of
this field in Georgia is clearly read.
Whether or not political cataclysms, the Sovietization of Georgia,
there is a high probability that the work started will be completed, but
in reality it did not happen. The development of Georgian historiography
has taken a completely different direction, which is difficult to
consider as a continuation of the original path, a step forward. Particularly painful is the fact that our source base looks very modest.
This is the only school textbook where he naturally pauses briefly
on the rule of Caligula and Nero. This, of course, is too little, it should
not be enough, but we do not have other more extensive material and
we have to believe what we have.
Dimitri Uznadze's attitude towards the rule of Caligula and Nero,
obviously, is not accidental, did not arise on empty ground, and the echo
of his negative attitude towards the dynasty of Julius Claudius was
rebound. Is one of its constituent components.
This section of Dimitri Uznadze's textbook is, in fact, the first or
not one of the first attempts to popularize Caligula and Nero's rule in
Georgian reality. It has a purely cognitive load. He can say that he did
not miss this cultural mission. We consider this to be his success. This
information would help the Georgian society, first and foremost, of course,
the student youth, and help to form a general idea of the rule of
Caligula and Nero. The main thing, this is what it should be, the meaning
of this reasoning, we think, this is exactly what it should be.
We consider the correct, scientific, assessment and awareness of
the rule of Caligula and Nero by Dimitri Uznadze, the knowledge of
empirical, factual, material as the main dignity of his discussion on this
topic. He shared the opinion spread in the scientific literature and perceived
Caligula and Nero's work negatively.
As the first attempt to cover this issue, naturally, it could not be
flawless. Resolving some issues has left us feeling a certain sense of
inadequacy. As for Caligula's personality, Crint has no engine in his domestic
and foreign policy. The same can be said of Nero's foreign policy
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ვაჟა-ფშაველას დიალექტური მეტყველების ებრაული ეკვივალენტები „ალუდა ქეთელაურის“ ებრაულ თარგმანში. HEBREW EQUIVALENTS OF VAZHA-PSHAVELA’S DIALECTAL SPEECH IN THE HEBREW TRANSLATION OF “ALUDA KETELAURI”
It is known that Vazha-Pshavela’s artistic language is given a
special color by the dialect speech of the poet. The Pshav-Khevsuri
dialect is the cornerstone of Vazha’s work to create the corresponding
ideological-emotional world. It’s perfect repetition in a foreign
language environment is probably theoretically not allowed. But
there is a great temptation to share this first-created magnificence
of the Creator’s nature with the readers of other languages and make
them feel it. This strong desire encouraged us and decided to translate
Vazha’s best poem “Aluda Ketelauri” into Hebrew.
Modern Hebrew is a completely new linguistic phenomenon that
dates back only a few decades. The formation of dialectal features
in this language begins in our time, signs of Angular speech peculiarities
are now appearing in the center of modern Israel, in the
north and south, therefore, we have set the Hebrew of the Bible as
the only way to convey the specific speech of the Georgian author
in the translation. The New Hebrew poetry itself, it can be said, was
in the background for many years, especially in the early stages of
its formation. Even in the modern period, Jewish authors are often
nourished by biblical vocabulary and phraseology; they often resort
to different ways of expression, say, artistic repetition, alliteration or
paronomasia, which are so abundant in the texts of the Bible.
We also tried to load the translation with biblical vocabulary. We
considered that the archaized language, to a certain extent, would serve as a functional equivalent of the author’s Pshav-khevsuri dialect.
In some cases, we even borrowed directly from the architectonics
of a famous passage of a specific biblical creation (“Ecclesiastes”).
According to many researchers, Vazha’s work is saturated with
biblical motifs. The heavy breath of “Ruach Elohim” is also strongly
felt. We think this fact also justifies our choice
THE EPISTOLARY IDIOLECT OF MARINA TSVETAEVA
ივანე ჯავახიშვილის დაბადებიდან 146-ე წლისთავისადმი მიძღვნილი სამეცნიერო კონფერენციაThe epistolary intercourse between Marina Tsvetaeva and Boris Pasternak
is the subject of close attention of researchers analysing different
aspects of the letters of the two poets. The article considers in detail the
epistolary idiolect of Marina Tsvetaeva on the example of her reply letters
to the poet “of equal size”, in particular, it analyzes in detail such issues as
Marina Tsvetaeva; sattitude to the phenomenon of letter; her individual
understanding of the semantics of thisnomination; the originality of the
manner of reading the letter by the poet; principles of approachto solving
metaphorical phrases found both in letters and in Marina Tsvetaevas
poetic works; ways of presenting information in her letters; epistolary intercourse
between Marina Tsvetaeva and Boris Pasternak as an epistolary
variety of psychological drama discourse, etc
THE STATUTES OF 1872 ON THE GOVERNANCE OF THE TRANSCAUCASIAN MUSLIM CLERGY
ივანე ჯავახიშვილის დაბადებიდან 146-ე წლისთავისადმი მიძღვნილი სამეცნიერო კონფერენციაOn April 5, 1872, Emperor Alexander II (1855-1881) approved the provision
for the establishment of Sunni and and Shi‘a Religious Boards in
Transcaucasia – the Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian
Sunni Muslim Clergy and Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian
Shi‘a Muslim Clergy. The establishment of the Transcaucasian Shi‘a
Religious Board was due to a large number of Muslim Shi‘as in the region,
especially in the Islamic enclave of the region − North Azerbaijan. At the
same time, the Tsarist government, which operated on the principle of “divide
and rule,” sought to prevent the unity of Muslims in religious matters
and to deepen the confrontation between the various denominations of
Islam.
The provisions concerning the governance of the Shi‘a and Sunni
Muslim clergy in the Caucasus were virtually identical and consisted of 7
chapters and 115 articles. The Statutes of 1872 on the governance of the
Shi‘a and Sunni clergy in the Caucasus determined the normative and legal
status, obligations and rights of the Muslim clergy. On January 2, 1873, the
Transcaucasian Shi‘a and Sunni Religious Boards offi cially opened in Tbilisi.
They were under the control of Ministry of Internal Aff airs and directly
attached to the Viceroyalty. Their jurisdiction covered Muslims in the Baku,
Elisavetpol (Ganja), Tifl is (Tbilisi) and Erivan (Erevan) gubernias. All other
Transcaucasian territories and the North Caucasus that were not included in the universal Russian rule (military-communal administration) remained
outside the jurisdiction of the Transcaucasian Muslim clergy. However, archival
documents confi rm that, on the basis of special instructions or with
the permission of the Viceroy of the Caucasus, the Sunni Muslim clergy
had the right to discuss the cases from areas not subject to the rule. According
to the regulations, a candidate for a religious position had to be
a Russian subject and had to have a certifi cate confi rming the knowledge
corresponding to a religious rank. Age restrictions were also introduced.
Defendants wanted by the court, persons whose employment was terminated
by the court and pauper debtors held under guardianship for embezzlement
could not obtain the clerical rank. The applicants also had to have
a certifi cate that they did not belong to any society or doctrine “inadmissible”
by the government. Before a “cleric” could occupy any post he had to
pledge “loyalty to His imperial Majesty and conscientious fulfi llment of his
obligations (texts of the oath had to be printed in Russian, equipped with
a translation into Azerbaijani).” The Muslim clergy was to celebrate every
holiday with prayers in the mosques, praying to the Lord for the health and
longevity of the Emperor, as well as his wife, heir to the throne, and the
entire royal family, according to existing rules. The regulations also established
a three-tier system of governing the religious life of Muslims in the
Caucasus, or “a unifi ed government vertical from the village mullah to the
Mufti.” Based on the archival materials, we have compiled a complete list
(with biographies) of the Heads of the Muslim clergy of Transcaucasian Krai
(Mufti and Sheikh-ul-Islam).
The well-organised structure of the Religious Boards of Transcaucasian
Muslims existed with minor changes until 1917
Pious Formulas on Georgian Money
https://geohistory.humanities.tsu.ge/ge/procedings/83-shromebi/177-shromebi-18.htm
THE LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE VERBAL GRAFFITI
ივანე ჯავახიშვილის დაბადებიდან 146-ე წლისთავისადმი მიძღვნილი სამეცნიერო კონფერენციაArtefacts of verbal graffiti have been found on ancient tombs, on the
debris of buildings in Rome, Pompeii, Southern Syria, the US state of New
Mexico or Egypt. Runic inscriptions made by Vikings have also been discovered.
All verbal graffiti (old or new) can be considered as complete speech
acts that are known as communicative acts. Generally, communication also
implies the expression of a certain modality. These verbal captions represent
a completed text and express the completed story. Among the texts
discussed, the most wide-spread are given (first) names (sometimes first
and last names), which in this particular case express more that the name
of a particular person. It can really be considered as one person’s life story.
In terms of distribution, dirty jokes come second. Slogans and announcements
rank third – e.g. “I won 8552 dinars gambling in Nutseria – it was
a fair game” (Written in Pompeii on the 12th of December, 56 AD). Sports content inscriptions rank fourth almost in all the countries of the world.
Texts-inscriptions of a philosophical nature rank fifth (“those who want
self-service can drink the sea (Pompeii)). The next come the captions with
political content, and texts related to educational process rank seven.
I used the method of statistical analysis and these findings apply to all
centuries and various countries. Why do people write on the walls? They
write on the walls because they have the opportunity to appeal to the
whole world without fear of backlash and retaliation.
Archetypal behavior is a synthesis of the reactions of thousands of
people. In the present article I conclude that the inscriptions on the walls
of public institutions are an archetypal (collective) response to the fear of
death. First of all, it is the engraving of a proper name, which is the most
common graffiti (a verbal text) in the majority of cultures. The latter is evidenced
by numerous examples from the historical and modern eras. This
is the archetypal response of the collective unconscious to various types
of fear, the most important of which is the fear of death and the loss of
empirical ego.
It should also be noted that after the advent of social networks and
their walls, there are almost no inscriptions on the walls of public institutions