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The Impact of Digital Inequality on IT Identity in the Light of Inequalities in Internet Access
Get PDFThis article investigates the relationship between the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and Internet access, focusing on how digital connectivity influences the achievement of these global objectives. This research examines digital inequalities in access, usage, skills and outcomes through a mixed-methods approach, including statistical analysis and case studies. The findings indicate a strong correlation between Internet access and progression towards the European sustainability goals related to education quality, gender equality and industry innovation. In particular, it can be shown that where Internet access indicators are lower, digital literacy and IT identity scores are also lower for society as a whole, impacting both the quality of education and social mobility, while simultaneously reducing the economic competitiveness of the respective state. We can also see that these societies have a more patriarchal approach, negatively impacting the social status of women (although the COVID-19 epidemic negatively impacted social resilience, too) while further harming progress towards the Sustainable Development Goal associated with education. Significant disparities are also identified, particularly affecting rural areas, women, children and marginalised communities. The article futher explores IT identity, revealing that a strong IT identity enhances digital inclusion and empowerment. Article results highlight the necessity of addressing digital inequalities to ensure the equitable distribution of digital benefits and advocating for Internet access as a fundamental right essential to achieving global sustainability and Internet equality
The Confluence of the Janus-Faced EU and Hungarian Domestic State Aid Law through Crises
Get PDFThe permacrisis, including the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s war on Ukraine and the urge for the green transition, has put the European Union in a situation whereby it has had to act without delay in many fields, of which one was and still is, the EU’s State Aid Law. The European Commission adopted a set of soft law instruments, thereby effectuating the greatest shift in state aid the internal market has ever seen. This shift, however, has had impacts on the competences of the Commission, the power of the Commission, and the undistorted nature of the internal market itself. We are now marking Hungary’s 20th year as a Member of the EU, and this anniversary hallmarks great changes in the division of competences within and between the Commission, other institutions, and the Member States. In this paper, I intend to elaborate on this shift in the field of State Aid Law in the light of the permacrisis
Hallottad? A pletyka jótékony hatással van a jóllétre
Get PDFBackground and aims: This study explores the relationship between workplace gossip, rumination, and employee well-being across different work arrangements. It hypothesizes that (H1) employees in traditional work settings will experience higher rumination than remote workers, and (H2) in-office workers will engage in more gossip than their remote counterparts. Additionally, (H3) positive gossip and rumination will positively predict employee well-being.Method: A total of 120 employees (96 women, 24 men) completed questionnaires assessing their work arrangements, gossip frequency, rumination levels, and well-being. The PERMA well-being scale, the Workplace Gossip Scale, and the Positive and Negative Rumination Scale were used. Data were analyzed using ANOVA, Kruskal-Wallis tests, and hierarchical regression.Results: ANOVA revealed that remote workers experienced significantly less rumination compared to hybrid and in-office workers. Kruskal-Wallis tests showed higher gossip levels among hybrid and in-office workers, with no significant difference between these two groups. Regression analysis indicated that positive gossip and positive rumination together explained 24.9% of the variance in employee well-being.Discussion: The findings suggest that remote work may reduce workplace stressors, leading to lower rumination, while in-office and hybrid workers engage more frequently in gossip, likely due to closer social ties. A limitation of the study is the use of unvalidated Hungarian versions of the gossip and rumination scales, as well as the gender imbalance in the sample.Háttér és célkitűzések: A tanulmány a munkahelyi pletyka, a rumináció és a munkavállalói jóllét összefüggéseit vizsgálja különböző munkarendekben. A hipotézisek szerint (H1) a jelenléti és hibrid munkavállalók körében gyakoribb lesz a rumináció, mint a távmunkásoknál, és (H2) a jelenléti és hibrid dolgozók többet pletykálnak, mint a távmunkások. Emellett (H3) a pozitív pletyka és rumináció előre jelzi majd a jóllét magasabb szintjét.Módszer: Összesen 120 munkavállaló (96 nő, 24 férfi) vett részt a kutatásban. A kérdőívcsomag demográfiai kérdéseket és három skálát tartalmazott: PERMA kérdőív (Kun et al., 2017), Munkahelyi Pletyka kérdőív (Workplace Gossip Scale − WGS, Brady et al., 2017) magyar fordítását és a Negatív és Pozitív Munkahelyi Rumináció Skála (Negative and Positive Workplace Rumination Scale − NAPWRS, Frone, 2015) magyar változatát. Az adatokat ANOVA, Kruskal−Wallis-teszt és hierarchikus regresszió segítségével elemeztük.Eredmények: Az ANOVA eredményei szerint a távmunkások szignifikánsan kevesebb ruminációt tapasztaltak, mint a hibrid és jelenléti dolgozók. A Kruskal−Wallis-teszt magasabb pletykaszintet mutatott a hibrid és jelenléti munkavállalók körében, mint a távmunkások esetében, a két csoport között viszont nem volt különbség a pletyka mértékében. A regressziós elemzés kimutatta, hogy a pozitív pletyka és rumináció együttesen a jóllét varianciájának 24,9%-át magyarázza.Következtetések: Az eredmények arra utalnak, hogy a távmunka csökkenti a munkahelyi stresszforrásokat, ami alacsonyabb ruminációhoz vezet, míg a jelenléti és hibrid dolgozók gyakrabban pletykálnak, valószínűleg a szorosabb szociális kapcsolatok miatt. A kutatás korlátja, hogy a pletyka- és ruminációskálák magyar változatai nem lettek validálva, valamint a mintában sokkal több női kitöltőnk volt, mint férfi
Az Edo-kor újragondolva – japanológiai kaleidoszkóp: Doma Petra – Farkas Mária Ildikó (szerk.): Kortárs Japanológia V. – Az Edokori Japán. (Károli Könyvek) Budapest: Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem – L’Harmattan Kiadó, 2024
Get PDFReview of the Hungarian volume Kortárs Japanológia V. – Az Edokori Japán (Petra Doma – Mária Ildikó Farkas eds.) by Zsófia HidvégiHidvégi Zsófia Recenziója a Kortárs Japanológia V. – Az Edokori Japán című kötetről (szerk.: Doma Petra – Farkas Mária Ildikó)
Hivatalból a Selyemúton: Rajkai Zsombor: Xiyu Xingcheng Ji és Xiyu Fanguo Zhi: Két 15. század eleji kínai forrás Közép-Ázsiáról. (Konfuciusz Könyvtár 6.) Budapest: ELTE Konfuciusz Intézet, 2023
Get PDFReview of the Hungarian volume Zsombor Rajkai: Xiyu Xingcheng Ji és Xiyu Fanguo Zhi: Két 15. század eleji kínai forrás Közép-Ázsiáról by Zoltán Zsifkovits.Zsifkovits Zoltán recenziója Rajkai Zsombor Xiyu Xingcheng Ji és Xiyu Fanguo Zhi: Két 15. század eleji kínai forrás Közép-Ázsiáról című kötetéről
Connection and disconnection: Reconstructing routes through and beyond the Rania Plain in Iraqi Kurdistan
No full textRania Plain lies on the eastern side of Iraqi Kurdistan, at the foot of the seemingly impenetrable Zagros Mountains. During the Early Modern Period, this microregion was on the fringe of the two major powers of the Middle East, the Ottoman and Persian Empires, but it was also part of the Soran Emirate, one of the semi-autonomous vassal states that existed for hundreds of years. The Rania Plain was close to the main trade route linking Baghdad with the major Kurdish cities of Erbil and Mosul. In addition, the Lower Zab River, which flows through this valley to reach the Mesopotamian Plain, provided a natural trade and information route between the inner parts of the Zagros Mountains, the Iranian Plateau, and the fertile plains crossed by the Tigris River. Despite this, the Rania region and its cities do not appear on Ottoman Period maps, and written sources are silent about the function of the area between the 16th and 20th centuries. Field survey and excavation data from the last fifty years have provided a complex and varied picture of the valley’s topography, which, combined with the dense water network in the area, defines possible lines of population movement. One of the key questions to be addressed in examining the historical significance and complex use of the area is how to reconstruct the historical road use in the microregion using historical, archaeological, topographical, ethnographic, and GIS data and whether the area played a connecting or separating role in relation to the eastern frontier of the Ottoman Empire
The Echo of the Prague Congress in Hungary in the Contemporary Press and Political Thought
No full textAt the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Hungarian state faced a significant dilemma: It had to assert its independence within the Habsburg Empire while navigating the challenges of modern ethnic and linguistic national movements in Hungary. Many members of the reform-era Hungarian aristocracy believed that modernization, urbanization, and the extension of rights would lead to the assimilation or, at least, to loyalty of non-Hungarian groups. They envisioned a multi-ethnic state where Hungarian would be the official language for political and administrative purposes, while acknowledging the existence of other languages within the realm. This concept of a ‘Hungarian political nation’ was later formalized in the 1867 Compromise. However, others warned that the rise of Hungarian nationalism could alienate non-Hungarian groups, particularly the Slavs, and competing nation-building processes might be a threat to the integrity of the multi-ethnic Hungarian state.
Intended to foster Slavic cooperation within the Habsburg Empire, the Prague Congress in June 1848 further intensified concerns. While initially seen as a potential ally against Austrian dominance, the Congress’s pronouncements on Slavic rights and autonomy were perceived as a threat to Hungarian statehood. Kossuth, in particular, reacted strongly to the Congress’s accusations of Hungarian oppression and its calls for Slavic independence.
The Prague Congress had a profound impact on Hungarian political thought. It solidified the perception of Slavic nationalism as a threat to the integrity of the Hungarian Kingdom. Rather than fostering cooperation, the Congress turned out to be a symbol of conflict and a point of contention in Hungarian-Slavic relations
Metternich, the Slavs and the Habsburg Monarchy, 1842–1849: On the Relationship between Nation and State
No full textThe prevailing scholarly consensus regarding Prince Metternich’s policy within the framework of the Vienna System of 1815 is that it was hostile and repressive towards the nationalities within the Habsburg Monarchy. However, a re-evaluation of this judgement is provided by the history and circumstances of the Prague Slav Congress of June 1848, as it was here that discussions on the problem of the relationship between national emancipation and state organisation reached a peak. The article examines the knowledge Metternich had of the national diversity of the Slavs even before 1848, and the extent he judged the so-called ‘Pan-Slavism’ not as a problem of nationalities, but as an ideological pretext for Russian expansion. The article also deals with Metternich’s criticism of the repressive Hungarian Slav policy, showing him to be a defender of multinational statehood in Central Europe. In the context of the Frankfurt National Assembly of 1848/49, which sought to delineate the national territory of a unified Germany by the Central European borders of the German Confederation, Metternich recognised the belligerent potential of modern nationalism. His concerns stemmed from his perception of the modern movement to align nationality and state boundaries with language-defined national identities as a perpetual catalyst for state-building conflicts. However, the Emperor’s resistance and the internal bureaucracy’s opposition (the Kolowrat system) hindered the implementation of the model of a multinational federal state he drafted in 1816. This concept bore a resemblance to the notion of ‘Austroslavism’, a concept developed by the Czech historian and politician František Palacký
Unfit, Unwanted, or Superfluous? State Agricultural Farms and Their Workers as a New Social and Occupational Group in the Polish People’s Republic
No full textState agricultural farms (Państwowe Gospodarstwa Rolne or PGR in Polish) had a unique socio-economic status in post-war Poland. Modelled on the Soviet sovkhozes, they were intended to serve as a space for the creation of a new socialist socio-professional group, described in official propaganda as “the most advanced rural segment of the working class.” Although designed as a tool for agricultural modernization, state farms ultimately became spaces of permanent marginalization and lack of prospects, with far-reaching consequences for their communities up to the end of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL). Located between the traditional rural and working-class communities, state-farm workers were seen by public perception both as beneficiaries of the communist transformation and a microcosm of all the social pathologies, leading to their social rejection and stigmatisation.
This article examines the emergence of agricultural workers in the Polish People’s Republic as a distinct social and occupational group, considering their low status, lack of integration with other occupational groups, and gradual marginalization. Drawing on archival material, journalistic sources, and oral testimonies, it examines how workers on state farms functioned in the Polish People’s Republic, how their work and lifestyles were perceived, and how their systemic organization limited their agency and social mobility. The text also addresses the issue of the social isolation of agricultural workers, who after the collapse of communism were seen as an example of the failed attempt to create the communist ‘new man.
CLIL(iG): Interdiszciplinaritás a németoktatásban
Get PDFA CLILiG a Content and Language Integrated Learning in German rövidítése, és arra az interdiszciplináris megközelítésre utal, amelyben az oktatás során a diákok nemcsak a német nyelvet tanulják, hanem egyidejűleg más tantárgyak tartalmát is ezen a nyelven sajátítják el. A tanulók ennek köszönhetően nemcsak nyelvi készségeiket fejleszthetik, hanem szélesebb perspektívából közelíthetnek a német nyelvhez és kultúrához. Magyarországon elsődlegesen a két tanítási nyelvű, illetve a nemzetiségi oktatási intézményekben alkalmazzák ezt a módszert. Jelen tanulmány azt mutatja be, hogy a CLILiG mint interdiszciplináris módszer hogyan gazdagíthatja az oktatási élményt, teheti motiválóbbá a tanulási folyamatot, és járulhat hozzá a diákok egyéni többnyelvűvé válásához a németoktatás egyéb területein is