Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest - Open Access Journals
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Az internet szabályozására vonatkozó korai elméletek
Get PDFThe paper examines the early theories on Internet regulation, focusing on how they shaped legal approaches to the digital sphere and new forms of governance. It begins by exploring the tension between state and international regulation, as well as the notion of the Internet as a distinct regulatory space. By comparing cyberlibertarian, cyberrealist, and cyberpaternalist perspectives, the paper highlights how early ideological debates reflected fundamental dilemmas between law and technology. It provides an in-depth discussion of Lawrence Lessig’s “code as law” theory, emphasizing the normative function of digital architecture. In contrast, Andrew Murray’s active matrix model foregrounds the interplay between technological and social forces. The paper demonstrates that these early conceptual frameworks continue to shape contemporary debates on platform regulation and digital governance.A tanulmány az internetszabályozás korai elméleteit elemzi, különös tekintettel arra, miként alakították ezek a digitális tér jogi megközelítéseit és a kormányzás új formáit. A kiindulópontot az állami és nemzetközi szabályozás közötti feszültség, valamint az internet mint önálló szabályozási tér felfogása képezi. A kiberlibertariánus, kiberrealista és kiberpaternalista megközelítések összehasonlítása rámutat arra, hogy az internet korai ideológiai vitái a technológia és a jog viszonyának alapvető dilemmáit tükrözik. A tanulmány részletesen bemutatja Lawrence Lessig „kód mint jog” elméletét, amely a digitális architektúra normatív szerepét hangsúlyozza, míg ezzel szemben Andrew Murray aktív mátrix modellje a technológiai és társadalmi tényezők kölcsönhatását helyezi előtérbe. A tanulmány rávilágít, hogy e korai koncepciók mindmáig meghatározzák a platformszabályozással és a digitális kormányzással kapcsolatos gondolkodásunkat
新标准视域中《匈牙利汉语课本》的偏差与调整
Get PDFFollowing the 2021 Chinese Proficiency Standards, this study re-examines the Hungarian Chinese Textbook through questionnaires, textbook analysis, and classroom observation, with a focus on vocabulary, grammar, culture, and tasks. While the textbook demonstrates strong integration of local culture and situational design at the elementary level, its coverage of HSK 4 vocabulary is limited to only 10.3%, and key grammar points—particularly the 把-construction, comparatives, and complex sentences—are either absent or introduced abruptly. Furthermore, outdated cultural references and monotonous exercises fail to support intermediate- and advanced-level communicative tasks. To address these gaps, we recommend strengthening advanced-level vocabulary and grammar input, systematically supplementing missing grammar points, enriching contextualized tasks, regularly updating cultural content, and developing digital resources. Such measures would better align the textbook with the new standards, sustain learner motivation, and ensure progressive proficiency development.新版《国际中文教育中文水平等级标准》发布后，国别教材需重审标准契合度。本文以《匈牙利汉语课本》为对象，通过问卷、文本分析及课堂观察，从词汇、语法、文化、任务四维度检视其与标准的对接。研究发现：教材在初级层面文化嵌入与生活语境贴合度高，但HSK4级词汇覆盖率仅10.3%，语法点缺口随等级升高而扩大，“把”字句、比较句、复句等关键项目缺乏螺旋递进；文化内容部分陈旧，练习形式单一，难以支撑中高阶交际任务。建议在不削弱本土特色的前提下，增强高阶词汇与语法输入，系统补齐缺失语法，优化情境任务设计，动态更新文化素材，并配套数字资源，以实现标准对齐、动机维持与能力递升的良性循环
„…életben tartottam magam, mert látni akartam, hogy az Észak-atlanti Szövetség megfelelően elindul.”: Ernest Bevin és a NATO
No full textAs Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin implemented a series of plans and ideas that left a lasting mark on history. Both his admirers and critics agree that one of the most significant milestones of his policies was the creation of NATO, in which he played an instrumental role. The paper traces the path Bevin took to bring to life what he deeply believed – that the defense of democracy depended on collective security – by helping to establish a concrete organization dedicated to this cause. For this vision to become a reality, however, it was essential to convince the nations involved that collective defense was not merely a theoretical concept, but a fundamental pillar for ensuring stability and peace. Yet this raised pressing questions: how could the war-torn countries of a rebuilding Europe – and, even more challenging, the United States – be persuaded to unite for a common cause? How could something be built that transcended the political limitations and national interests of the time? These questions lay at theheart of Bevin’s mission, as he worked – alongside other key Western actors – to establish an alliance that would contribute to safeguarding Western Europe and lay the foundations of a new international framework based on mutual security and cooperation.As Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin implemented a series of plans and ideas that left a lasting mark on history. Both his admirers and critics agree that one of the most significant milestones of his policies was the creation of NATO, in which he played an instrumental role. The paper traces the path Bevin took to bring to life what he deeply believed – that the defense of democracy depended on collective security – by helping to establish a concrete organization dedicated to this cause. For this vision to become a reality, however, it was essential to convince the nations involved that collective defense was not merely a theoretical concept, but a fundamental pillar for ensuring stability and peace. Yet this raised pressing questions: how could the war-torn countries of a rebuilding Europe – and, even more challenging, the United States – be persuaded to unite for a common cause? How could something be built that transcended the political limitations and national interests of the time? These questions lay at theheart of Bevin’s mission, as he worked – alongside other key Western actors – to establish an alliance that would contribute to safeguarding Western Europe and lay the foundations of a new international framework based on mutual security and cooperation
Magyar–indiai kapcsolatok az 1962-es indiai–kínai háború idején
No full textIn 1962, the border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China escalated into armed conflict. The war not only shapedrelations between the two countries, but also had an impact on Hungarian–Indian diplomatic relations, an issue that has so far received little scholarly attention. In its struggle for international recognition after 1956, the Kádár regime –supported by the Soviet Union – sought to cultivate relations with Third World countries, thus the Indian–Chinese war could not escape its attention. This study examines how the Hungarian state reacted to the outbreak of the conflict and how these reactions were reflected in foreign policy. It explores the role of Hungarian diplomatic missions in shaping the Kádár regime’s narrative and position, and assesses the impact of the war have on Hungarian–Indian relations in 1962 and in the years that followed. Based on primary and secondary sources, the research shows how János Kádár sought to balance Hungary’s position, maintaining the fundamentally open attitude of the Indian leadership toward Hungary. Using an interpretive and explanatory approach, the study uncovers the decision-making mechanisms of the Kádár regime in relation to the war. The findings shed new light on an understudied aspect of Hungarian foreign policy.In 1962, the border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China escalated into armed conflict. The war not only shapedrelations between the two countries, but also had an impact on Hungarian–Indian diplomatic relations, an issue that has so far received little scholarly attention. In its struggle for international recognition after 1956, the Kádár regime –supported by the Soviet Union – sought to cultivate relations with Third World countries, thus the Indian–Chinese war could not escape its attention. This study examines how the Hungarian state reacted to the outbreak of the conflict and how these reactions were reflected in foreign policy. It explores the role of Hungarian diplomatic missions in shaping the Kádár regime’s narrative and position, and assesses the impact of the war have on Hungarian–Indian relations in 1962 and in the years that followed. Based on primary and secondary sources, the research shows how János Kádár sought to balance Hungary’s position, maintaining the fundamentally open attitude of the Indian leadership toward Hungary. Using an interpretive and explanatory approach, the study uncovers the decision-making mechanisms of the Kádár regime in relation to the war. The findings shed new light on an understudied aspect of Hungarian foreign policy
Demeter Gábor–Schrek Katalin (szerk.): Az Eszmetörténettől a nemzetközi kapcsolatokig: Ünnepi kötet Bodnár Erzsébet 70. születésnapjára. Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi Intézet, Debreceni Egyetem Történelmi és Néprajzi Doktori Iskola, ELKH Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont Történettudományi Intézet, Debrecen–Budapest, 2023. 236 pp.
No full textLaczkó Krisztina – Mártonfi Attila: Helyesírás: A megújított Osiris Helyesírás nyelvi tanácsadói szemmel
No full textAki elmulasztja egy ember méltóságának megvédését, az a világot hagyja elveszni
Get PDFSituating the issue in the context of global trends and seeking out viable strategies to counter these trends, Attila Szabó analyses the rule of law crisis in Hungary as concerns LGBTQI rights.A Fórum rovatban szereplő írások kritikusan értékelik azokat a közelmúltbeli, az egyenlő bánásmódhoz való joggal szembeni jogalkotói és jogalkalmazói támadásokat, amelyek a Nők 40 nyugdíjprogramot, a hatósági jogsértésekkel szemben rendelkezésre álló szankciókat és az LMBTQI emberek státuszát érintik
Környezeti nevelés hatása a Dunakanyarban
No full textThe study provides a comprehensive overview of the research conducted in the Danube Bend, specifically in parts of the Vác, Dunakeszi, Szob and Rétság districts. The study examines the impact of civil society organisations’ sustainability education on educational institutions. The awareness raising through environmental education guides students to shape, both globally and locally, economic, social, and environmental phenomena by making sustainable decisions and avoiding consumerism. Through the relational capital of the Magosfa Foundation for Environmental Education and Ecotourism, interviews and questionnaires were used to examine the environmentally conscious thinking of educational institutions in the region. While several measures are notable, there are differences resulting from the priorities set by the schools.A tanulmány átfogó képet ad a Dunakanyar, azon belül is a váci, dunakeszi, szobi és rétsági járás adott részein vizsgált civil szervezetek fenntarthatóságra való nevelésének hatásáról az oktatási intézményekben. A környezeti nevelés szemléletformálása irányt mutat a diákoknak, hogy a fenntartható életmód gyakorlásával a fogyasztói társadalom részeként globálisan és lokálisan formálják a gazdasági, társadalmi és környezeti jelenségeket. A Magosfa Környezeti Nevelési és Ökoturisztikai Alapítvány kapcsolati tőkéjén keresztül interjúk és kérdőívek használatával a térség tanintézményeinek környezettudatos gondolkodását vizsgálva számos intézkedés érzékelhető, azonban eltérések vannak az iskolák által felállított prioritások miatt