Bolivian Studies Journal
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Una revisión histórica con poderes curativos. Mariátegui leído desde la perspectiva andina de José Luis Ayala
This article deals with José Luis Ayala’s book Mariátegui y la guerra del Chaco [Mariátegui and the Chaco War, 2014]. This writer and yatiri confronts us with an unclassifiable final product which goes beyond the guidelines of traditional literary genres. The article discusses the relationship between the textual peculiarity of Ayala’s book and its singular purpose: the healing of our historical understanding of the Chaco War. Specifically, the healing of historical trauma left in the wake of the War.Este artículo aborda la lectura del libro del escritor y yatiri José Luis Ayala: Mariátegui y la guerra del Chaco (2014). Ayala nos arranca de espacios escriturales familiares y nos enfrenta a un producto final inclasificable que escapa a los lineamientos de los géneros literarios tradicionales. El artículo analiza y discute la relación entre la peculiaridad de este texto y su singular propósito: la curación de nuestra comprensión histórica de la guerra del Chaco. Concretamente, la curación del trauma histórico que dejó la guerra
¿Descolonización real o falsa descolonización en Bolivia? Corrientes de pensamiento
This article proposes that to decolonize is to radically dismantle a system of values which fundamentally upholds existing institutions. In Bolivia, this involves a system of domination that is both neocolonial and racist. Although there is an ongoing process of decolonization in society, a real decolonization of the State has been precluded by the MAS government since 2009. Nonetheless, the government clearly proclaims the success of decolonization simply based on the fact that Evo Morales is an indigenous president. To measure the scope of these debates, the article studies other schools of thought regarding decolonization such as Indianism and Katarism, and Xavier Albó’s multiculturalism.Este artículo propone que descolonizar es desmontar, de manera radical, el actual sistema de valores y las instituciones que los sustentan. En Bolivia, este es un sistema de dominación que es neocolonial y racista. Aunque se vive la descolonización de la sociedad, desde el año 2009 el gobierno del MAS quebró la posibilidad de una descolonización del Estado. Sin embargo, el gobierno proclama el triunfo de la descolonización sobre la base de que Evo Morales es un presidente indígena. Para dimensionar el alcance de estos debates, el artículo estudia otras corrientes de pensamiento acerca de la descolonización, tales como el indianismo y el katarismo, y el multiculturalismo de Xavier Albó.
Carlos Hugo Molina Saucedo. Andrés Ibáñez, un caudillo para el siglo XXI. La Comuna de Santa Cruz de la Sierra de 1876; Andrey Schelchkov. Andrés Ibáñez y la Revolución de la Igualdad en Santa Cruz: primer ensayo de federalismo en Bolivia, 1876-1877
Carlos Hugo Molina Saucedo. Andrés Ibáñez, un caudillo para el siglo XXI. La Comuna de Santa Cruz de la Sierra de 1876Andrey Schelchkov. Andrés Ibáñez y la Revolución de la Igualdad en Santa Cruz: primer ensayo de federalismo en Bolivia, 1876-187
A construção do Estado Plurinacional na Bolívia como tentativa de institucionalizar o abigarrado
The objective of this work is to analyze the construction of the Plurinational State as an attempt to provide Bolivia with an institutional framework adequate for its particular reality, starting from its own indigenous models. I begin by examining the concept of abigarrada social formation coined by René Zavaleta to describe the Bolivian society and how that same concept positions itself in relation to Gino Germani’s theory of modernization and Dipesh Chakrabarty’s theoretical notions in describing the process of expansion from Capitalism in peripheral countries. Immediately following, I discuss the implications of that Bolivian abigarramiento in the construction of the Nation-State and its limitations in the country, after which I examine the proposal for the composition of the Plurinational State and conclude by discussing some of the practical implications that have arisen up to today for the new institutional experiment and its perspectives for consolidating the country.O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a construção do Estado Plurinacional como tentativa de dotar a Bolívia de uma institucionalidade adequada a sua realidade particular, partindo de modelos próprios e autóctones. Inicio revisando o conceito de formação social abigarrada cunhado por René Zavaleta para descrever a sociedade boliviana e como o mesmo se coloca frente à teoria da modernização de Gino Germani e às noções teóricas de Dipesh Chakrabarty para descrever o processo de expansão do capitalismo nos países periféricos. Em seguida, discuto as implicações desse abigarramento boliviano para a construção do Estado-nação e suas limitações no país, após o quê discuto a proposta de conformação de um Estado Plurinacional e concluo discutindo algumas das implicações práticas trazidas até aqui pelo novo experimento institucional e suas perspectivas de consolidação no país
Crónicas periodísticas
The journalistic article may not constitute works of great importance, which does not signify that its pages are lacking that creative potential which Carlos Monsivais so pointedly attributed to the modern article: “the necessity to create a corridor of mirrors where society or societies are seen with greater precision” and the peculiarity of “being a form of solidarity – sometimes out of impotence – that permits readers to find out what is happening without failing into despair.” One by one, the articles of Jaime Iturri Salmón make these words their own and offer us a lively kind of writing, enjoyable and concise, which in showing us what goes on in life in the city, the country and the world, invites us to know them better.La crónica periodística puede no constituir obras de gran envergadura, lo que no significa que sus páginas estén desprovistas de ese potencial creativo que tan acertadamente Carlos Monsivais atribuyó a la crónica moderna: “la necesidad de crear un corredor de espejos donde la sociedad o las sociedades se vean con más precisión” y la particularidad de “ser un género de la solidaridad –a veces desde la impotencia– que le permite a los lectores enterarse de lo que está pasando sin caer en la desesperanza”. Una a una, las crónicas de Jaime Iturri Salmón hacen suyas estas palabras y nos ofrecen una escritura ágil, divertida y concisa, que al mostrarnos el acontecer de la vida en la ciudad, en el país y en el mundo, nos invita a conocerlos mejor
Comercio Justo y justicia: un estudio de caso de Comercio Justo y su efecto en la libertad de las mujeres indígenas de Bolivia
Amartya Sen has written that for justice to be realized, freedom needs to be expanded. Fair Trade, a model of global trade that puts into motion billions of dollars, purports to promote justice, and therefore expands freedom. Fair Trade is a four-pillar structure comprised of institutions, producers, consumers, and government/policy. An economic, ethnographic study of Bolivia’s indigenous women working within the Fair Trade model for the past 15 years reported mixed results. The women questioned the justice of the model based on negative experiences induced by irregular work, stress, and unsupportive communities. At the same time, women acknowledged enhanced capabilities and opportunities emanating from skills development, empowerment, and income. Although it increased women’s freedom, there are ways in which Fair Trade could be made fairer through transparency, reciprocity, and public reasoning. This work is significant in the sense that it creates a new understanding of justice and trade that enables women’s voices to be heard.Amartya Sen ha planteado que para lograr justicia, se necesita expandir la libertad. El Comercio Justo, un modelo de comercio global que pone en movimiento miles de millones de dólares, pretende promover la justicia y, por consiguiente, expandir la libertad. El Comercio Justo es una estructura de cuatro pilares que comprende instituciones, productores, consumidores y gobiernos/políticas gubernamentales. Un estudio económico y etnográfico de mujeres indígenas de Bolivia que han trabajado con este modelo de comercio los últimos 15 años reportó resultados muy diversos. Las mujeres cuestionaban la justicia de un modelo basado en experiencias negativas resultado del trabajo irregular, del estrés y de la falta de apoyo por parte de las comunidades. Al mismo tiempo, las mujeres reconocían mejoras en las capacidades y oportunidades que emanaban del desarrollo de habilidades, el empoderamiento y los ingresos. Aunque incrementó la libertad de las mujeres, hay maneras por las cuales el Comercio Justo podría llegar a ser más justo a través de transparencia, reciprocidad y razonamiento público. Este trabajo es importante en la medida que crea una nueva interpretación de la justicia y del comercio que permite escuchar la voz de las mujeres
Recordando a Benjamin Kohl
[this is a literary essay and therefore does not have an abstract][es un ensayo literario y por lo tanto no tiene abstract
Derrick Hindery. From Enron to Evo. Pipeline Politics, Global Environmentalism, and Indigenous Rights in Bolivia
From Enron to Evo is a long-term study of Enron and Shell’s construction of the Cuiabá pipeline in eastern Bolivia. The pipeline goes through the middle of the Chiquitano forest and affects a population of about 8,000. The project also has a negative impact on four critical ecoregions; the Gran Chaco and Cerrado, which are a mixture of grasslands and scattered trees, the Chiquitano dry forest, and the Pantanal wetlands. The Cuiabá pipeline has been highly contested by the thirty-four Chiquitano and two Ayoreo communities that live in the area. After years of field research, extensive interviews and document analyses, Dr. Hindery manages to expose the murky ways in which the hydrocarbon industry works in Bolivia. This is an industry where the powerful –mainly multinational oil companies and the Bolivian government– abuse the ecoregion and the indigenous populations that live on it