Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies (ZfO)
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Martin Štoll: Television and Totalitarianism in Czechoslovakia. From the First Democratic Republic to the Fall of Communism.
Get PDFDavid Rousset: Das KZ-Universum. Mit einem Nachwort von Jeremy Adler. Übers. von Olga Radetzkaja und Volker Weichsel.
Get PDFElbing an der Wende zum 18. Jahrhundert. Perspektiven der Elbinger Stadtgesellschaft auf die Zugehörigkeit zum polnisch-litauischen Unionsstaat in Kriegszeiten
Get PDFThis paper examines how the citizens of Elbing defined the political position of their city in the Polish-Lithuanian unitary state at the turn of the eighteenth century. In the course of the Great Northern War, they saw their own city, like Danzig and Thorn, threatened by Swedish troops. The Brandenburg elector Friedrich III also occupied the trading city in 1698 as a pledge, because a payment owed by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth which had been stipulated in the treaties of Wehlau and Bromberg (1657), had not been made. As the poorest of the three large cities, Elbing had the fewest resources and was thus in the weakest position to defend itself. In order to comprehend how the people of Elbing positioned their city within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth statements made by the citizens concerning external political actors—the Polish state and its dignitaries on the one hand, and the Brandenburg elector on the other—are examined. These include reports about Brandenburg’s occupation of Elbing, books detailing the negotiations of the council and the citizens, as well as letters addressed to the states of Poland-Lithuania, the Kingdom of Prussia and the Elector of Brandenburg. It is not surprising that the citizens of Elbing continued to see their city’s membership to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as the basis of their political existence. The emphasis of this connection changed, however, when the people of Elbing saw themselves as threatened by the Brandenburg und Swedish troops. While, in the centuries before this, the three major Prussian cities of Danzig, Thorn and Elbing had stressed that they belonged to the king rather than to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, now, in view of the threats, the council and citizens of Elbing began to emphasize that they belonged to the Commonwealth. This indicates that the Prussian states in the eighteenth century were not characterized exclusively by particularism. Rather, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the citizens of Elbing moved closer to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
Die ungarische Räterepublik 1919. Innenansichten – Außenperspektiven – Folgewirkungen. Hrsg. von Christian Koller und Matthias Marschik
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Landownership between Nationalization and De-Liberalization: Changes in Prussian Property Regimes, 1886–1914
No full textThis article deals with different forms of land ownership in the eastern provinces of Prussia in the three decades before the outbreak of World War One. Research in recent years has assigned a central role in the national conflicts of East Central Europe to the question of land ownership. In the Prussian case, it has focused on the “Royal Prussian Settlement Commission in the Provinces West Prussia and Posenˮ and reached the verdict that the state’s policy of acquisition and settlement failed. This article examines the various measures used by the Prussian government and administration to restrict the liberal market for land ownership. For this purpose, three forms of ownership are distinguished (private, state and hybrid), which the state promoted in order to increase the share of German land ownership and prevent its sale to Poland. In addition, the quantitative significance of these measures is compared. The results show that, on the eve of World War One, almost one third of the area of both provinces was excluded from acquisition by potential Polish buyers. Prussian minority policy thus contributed to a considerable de-liberalization of the land market by aligning the right of ownership with ethno-national classification criteria. The end result is a complex picture of state measures, in which the settlement policy of the “Settlement Commission” is only one of several building blocks within a more comprehensive land policy and appears to have been much more successful than previously assumed
