Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies (ZfO)
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The Chernobyl Effect. Antinuclear Protests and the Molding of Polish Democracy, 1986– 1990. Hrsg. von Kacper Szulecki, Janusz Waluszko und Tomasz Borewicz
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Cultivating and Сhallenging Patronizing Images of Subcarpathian Rus
No full textThe article compares the main trends in the visual imagery relating to Hungarian/Subcarpathian Rus which developed and dominated the territory of the Hungarian Kingdom and the First Czechoslovak Republic in the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. The research is based mainly on analysis of visual sources, primarily masscirculation postcards and private photographs from the family archives of Transcarpathians. The latter were chosen because they provide an opportunity to “hear” the so-called unrepresented majority. This cannot be provided by written texts, whose authors are usually representatives of the elite classes. The set of sources analyzed makes it possible to single out the dominant image which was created by “external” authors: scholars, journalists and photographers, and tourists, who were mainly representatives of the titular nations of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. It emphasized the pastoral and traditional nature of the local community, focusing on their conservative outlook and culture. This picturesque and colorful image was not wholly accurate. The second image comes from family photographs and shows the self-representation of the local population. It opposed the dominant pastoral image and proves that the processes of modernization and emancipation in the territory of the Carpathian Ruthenians continued consistently and irreversibly. Despite the existence of this alternative, it was the first image that was widely popular and used by the Czechoslovak authorities as a justification for the delay in granting the right of self-government to Subcarpathian Rus. During the time of Soviet power in Transcarpathia, the same image was used to criticize previous political regimes. This image still affects the way Transcarpathia is perceived in historical research, as well as the identification of its modern population.The article compares the main trends in the visual imagery relating to Hungarian/Subcarpathian Rus which developed and dominated the territory of the Hungarian Kingdom and the First Czechoslovak Republic in the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. The research is based mainly on analysis of visual sources, primarily masscirculation postcards and private photographs from the family archives of Transcarpathians. The latter were chosen because they provide an opportunity to “hear” the so-called unrepresented majority. This cannot be provided by written texts, whose authors are usually representatives of the elite classes. The set of sources analyzed makes it possible to single out the dominant image which was created by “external” authors: scholars, journalists and photographers, and tourists, who were mainly representatives of the titular nations of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. It emphasized the pastoral and traditional nature of the local community, focusing on their conservative outlook and culture. This picturesque and colorful image was not wholly accurate. The second image comes from family photographs and shows the self-representation of the local population. It opposed the dominant pastoral image and proves that the processes of modernization and emancipation in the territory of the Carpathian Ruthenians continued consistently and irreversibly. Despite the existence of this alternative, it was the first image that was widely popular and used by the Czechoslovak authorities as a justification for the delay in granting the right of self-government to Subcarpathian Rus. During the time of Soviet power in Transcarpathia, the same image was used to criticize previous political regimes. This image still affects the way Transcarpathia is perceived in historical research, as well as the identification of its modern population
Nora Berend: Stephen I, the First Christian King of Hungary. From Medieval Myth to Modern Legend
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Kathryn Ciancia: On Civilization’s Edge. A Polish Borderland in the Interwar World. Beata Halicka: Borderlands Biography. Z. Anthony Kruszewski in Wartime Europe and Postwar America.
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Cindy Bylander: Engaging Cultural Ideologies. Classical Composers and Musical Life in Poland 1918–1956
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Kurfürst Friedrich III. von Brandenburg, die Doppelwahl von 1697 und der Bürgerkrieg in Polen
No full textThe article attempts to illustrate the policy of the Elector of Brandenburg and, at the same time, Duke of Prussia Frederick III towards the contested election for the Polish Lithuanian throne between the Elector of Saxony Frederick August I and Prince Louis Conti in June 1697. Covering the events of the brief civil war that lasted between the two candidates from September to November of that year. For the Hohenzollern family, events beyond the eastern border of their state were of utmost importance. The emergence of a strong and efficiently governed Saxon-Polish-Lithuanian state would have destroyed Brandenburg-Prussia’s pol-icy of ensuring territorial autonomy, Ducal Prussia but not Brandenburg was a member of the Commonwealth, through deepening the disintegration of the Polish state. Frederick III, although forced to recognize the final election and victory of the Wettin candidate very quickly, nevertheless presented himself as an able player, strengthening his position as a stabilizing force for internal relations within Poland, thanks to the mediation between the feuding parties conducted by his envoys. Although they were not successful, they laid a good foundation for establishing close relations with the victorious new Polish king. These rela-tions, in turn, provided the opportunity to realize further political goals in the next years of August II’s reign on the Vistula, including the most important one—the Hohenzollerns’ obtaining the royal crown in 1701.The article attempts to illustrate the policy of the Elector of Brandenburg and, at the same time, Duke of Prussia Frederick III towards the contested election for the Polish Lithuanian throne between the Elector of Saxony Frederick August I and Prince Louis Conti in June 1697. Covering the events of the brief civil war that lasted between the two candidates from September to November of that year. For the Hohenzollern family, events beyond the eastern border of their state were of utmost importance. The emergence of a strong and efficiently governed Saxon-Polish-Lithuanian state would have destroyed Brandenburg-Prussia’s pol-icy of ensuring territorial autonomy, Ducal Prussia but not Brandenburg was a member of the Commonwealth, through deepening the disintegration of the Polish state. Frederick III, although forced to recognize the final election and victory of the Wettin candidate very quickly, nevertheless presented himself as an able player, strengthening his position as a stabilizing force for internal relations within Poland, thanks to the mediation between the feuding parties conducted by his envoys. Although they were not successful, they laid a good foundation for establishing close relations with the victorious new Polish king. These rela-tions, in turn, provided the opportunity to realize further political goals in the next years of August II’s reign on the Vistula, including the most important one—the Hohenzollerns’ obtaining the royal crown in 1701
Im Widerspruch zwischen Inklusion und Exklusion. Überlegungen zur tschechoslowakischen Migration nach Österreich zwischen Antikommunismus und antiosteuropäischem Rassismus
No full textThe article investigates the migration of Czechoslovaks to Austria from 1968 to 1989, focusing on the period following the Warsaw Pact invasion. Drawing on Austrian and Czech archival as well as oral history sources, it examines administrative and social processes that shaped the reception of over 162,000 Czechoslovak migrants within the Traiskirchen camp, as well as over examples. The study analyses how Austria’s migration policies and the experiences of migrants were influenced by anti-communist sentiment and persistent anti Eastern European stereotypes. While dislike of communism prompted Austrian authorities to welcome Czechoslovak citizens as “political refugees,” long-standing regional prejudices often led to selective inclusion. Migrants from Czechoslovakia were at times selectively granted “white” privileges, enabling them to integrate into Austrian society when it served Austria's political agenda. Situating these developments within broader societal debates, the article traces how shifting solidarity and exclusion shaped the realities of Czechoslovak migrants. The analysis shows Austria’s migration regime was less a reflection of humanitarian ideals than an outcome of Cold War instrumentalization, where political motives and racial hierarchies intersected to influence the integration and marginalization of Eastern European refugees. The article reconstructs the institutional, discursive frameworks and contradictory nature of Cold War migration policies where political ideologies intersected with racial hierarchies, influencing the experiences of Eastern European migrants in Austria.The article investigates the migration of Czechoslovaks to Austria from 1968 to 1989, focusing on the period following the Warsaw Pact invasion. Drawing on Austrian and Czech archival as well as oral history sources, it examines administrative and social processes that shaped the reception of over 162,000 Czechoslovak migrants within the Traiskirchen camp, as well as over examples. The study analyses how Austria’s migration policies and the experiences of migrants were influenced by anti-communist sentiment and persistent anti Eastern European stereotypes. While dislike of communism prompted Austrian authorities to welcome Czechoslovak citizens as “political refugees,” long-standing regional prejudices often led to selective inclusion. Migrants from Czechoslovakia were at times selectively granted “white” privileges, enabling them to integrate into Austrian society when it served Austria's political agenda. Situating these developments within broader societal debates, the article traces how shifting solidarity and exclusion shaped the realities of Czechoslovak migrants. The analysis shows Austria’s migration regime was less a reflection of humanitarian ideals than an outcome of Cold War instrumentalization, where political motives and racial hierarchies intersected to influence the integration and marginalization of Eastern European refugees. The article reconstructs the institutional, discursive frameworks and contradictory nature of Cold War migration policies where political ideologies intersected with racial hierarchies, influencing the experiences of Eastern European migrants in Austria
