Cumhuriyet Ä°lahiyat Dergisi - Cumhuriyet Theology Journal
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The Ottoman Dervish Lodge Cuisine and Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid
No full textOsmanlı tekkemutfağının, Osmanlı tekke yapılanmasında merkezi bir öneme sahip olduğugörülmektedir. Anadolu tekke mutfağı fethedilen toprakların bir yurt hâlinegelebilmesinde de önemli bir rol üstlenmiştir. Âyende ve revendeye güvenli birsığınak olan tekkeler, günün her saati açık mutfaklarından ikram edilen misgibi “Baba Çorbası” ile Anadolu’da huzurun ve dinginliğin yaşatıldığı yerlerolmuştur. Bu makale Osmanlı tekke mutfak kültürünü 1240-1250 (1825-1835)yılları arasında İstanbul’da kaleme alınmış bir imâret kaydı ekseninde elealmaktadır. Mecmuâ-i Fevâid adlı bueser, Sultan II. Mahmud devrine ve Hüdâyî Tekkesi Vakfı’na aittir. Mecmuâ-i Fevâid’de imârethâne ve diğerkurumlarda çalışan görevliler ve muhasebe kayıtlarının yanında imârettekullanılan mutfak eşyaları ve yemek tarifleri de yer almaktadır. Söz konusueser o dönemde Hüdâyî Vakfı imâretinde pişirilen yemekler hakkında detaylıbilgi vermektedir.The dervish lodgecuisine in the Ottoman lodge structuring has a central importance. The lodgecuisine helped Anatolia turn into a homeland. Travelers took shelter in thelodges in Anatolia. So, these buildings were a safe haven for those who travel.Lodge’s kitchens were always open. These kitchens offered a delightful “SheikhBaba’s Soup” anytime and these kitchens gave peace and serenity to Anatolia.This article analyzes the Ottoman lodge food culture in the context of amanuscript which belongs to an imaret. This manuscript called Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid was written in between1240-1250 (1825-1835) in Istanbul. This work belongs to the period of SultanMahmud II and the Hudāyī Lodge Foundation. Institution Employees and accountingrecords were disclosed in this manuscript in which the names of kitchenware arementioned and recipes are found. This work gives detailed information aboutfoods that are cooked in the Hudāyī Lodge Foundation’s imaret kitchen. SUMMARYEating is thought always to be important andit is considered worthwhile to eat with guests and travelers in Turkishculture. In the process of Islamization, the dining table was accepted “Halilİbrahim’s Table” and this approach has strengthened further the hospitality.Eating with people, preparing the table for the guests, travelers and the needywere regarded as a factor increasing the fertility of the table. In addition,these movements were considered an act of social cooperation and deepen thecollective consciousness. Especially the sufis played a dominant role in theprocess of Islamization in Anatolia and depending on this, they undertookvarious social and cultural functions that including catering. In this regard,the lodge was seen as a complex and this structure encompasses different unitssuch as imaret or soup kitchen, mosque, tomb, library, dervish cells, publicfountains, bakery and bathhouse. Travelers stay in the imaret and supply theirneeds, they also nurture themselves spiritually as well. Lodges were a safehaven for these travelers and lodge’s kitchens were open every hour of the daywith serving the delicious “Father’s Soup.” Therefore, lodges became arepresentative of peace. These kitchens take reference the advices of theprophet about eating and serving meals. In addition, the effects of the oldTurkish culture and of the Yesevī tradition on these kitchens are witnessed.While many documents related to the foodculture in Anatolia could remain to us, regarding the life of lodges especially,information about the kitchens is still limited. Ali Eşref Dede’s cookbook, Yemek Risalesi, is one of the workswritten about the dishes of Ottoman period. This work is very important inrelation to the Mevleviyye as well. This manuscript was written in the 19thcentury by Sheikh Ali Eşref Dede at Edirne. Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid, one of the other important sources that should be included in theOttoman lodge food literature. This manuscript is registered in the IstanbulMetropolitan Municipality Atatürk Library Muallim Cevdet Yazmaları (number,224). Two works were written in the same century. In Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid there are some financial and agricultural information concerning to“Hüdâyî Lodge’s Foundation”. This manuscript includes valuable informationabout accounting records and officers employed in imaret and otherinstitutions. On the other hand, there are various recipes in this manuscriptabout the imaret meals, also lists of kitchenware and food materials. Thisrecord is thirty pages and was written during Mahmud II. period.Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid is related to Aziz Mahmud Hudāyī Lodge that is placed in a high andstrategic location in Uskudar that connects Istanbul to Anatolia. This was acomplex structure and established in a place of ten thousand square meters. Itconsisted of imaret, sheikh’s house (haremlik), mosque, tomb, library, dervishcells, bakery and bath. As mentioned above, Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid contains important information about Aziz Mahmud Hudāyī Lodge’s kitchenand recipes. In fact, the manuscript also provides several alternatives to someof the recipes. This record exhibits the structure of the order and thenutritional forms of the Sufis. Thus, to some extent, it is possible to analyzethe theoretical and philosophical direction of the order. Because eating in thelodges is not an action just to satisfy a person\u27s stomach. Rather there is adining ritual in the lodge. In this frame, the importance of the dining tablewas emphasized in the lodge tradition in the dimension of human education andsocialization. In the sense of Sufism, the information about food revealssymbolic and allegorical meanings, sometimes directly or indirectly. Ritualsrelated to food are closely related to the educational process of thedervishes. In this respect, on the sacred journey of dervish it is necessary toeat food permissible in the religion. In this regard, the books about thecustoms of the order contain considerable information. Giving valuable information about meals Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid contains maincourse and dessert recipes. It revealed the food habits of the dervishes andthe people who were living at that time. The recipes also contain someinteresting features applicable in the Turkish kitchen today. In addition, thenames of meals and desserts contribute to the richness of the Turkic language.There are soups and salads, meat grills and stew varieties, fish dishes, pastryvarieties, dessert varieties, cookies and halvahs. Meals are cooked with buttermainly. Lamb and sheep are preferred in the meals. The use of spices is high.For example, cinnamon is used even when cooking meat and fish. The manuscriptseems to have thirty recipes but there are also different cooking methods inthe manuscript. Different cooking methods were used together in some meals asfrying, boiling and baking. For this reason, the number of recipes in themanuscript increases even more.This article entitled “The Ottoman DervishLodge Cuisine and Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid” has been latinized by simplifying the manuscript based on with a singlecopy. In this article the place and importance of the lodge cuisine in amystical life has been analyzed in addition to presenting valuable informationabout the literature that is related to the Anatolian Lodge Cuisine, theOttoman Cuisine, and recepies cooked in the Ottoman. Furthermore, the workbriefly presents some about the lodge because it is related to Aziz MahmudHudāyī lodge. Moreover, a dictionary section has been added for understandingthe relatively abandoned words in the manuscript. Similarly, measurements andweigh units are briefly given in Majmūʿa al-fawāʾid
Cumhuriyet Theology Journal Guidelines for Authors
No full textCumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi Akademik Yazım KılavuzuThe Chicago Manual of Styl
The Historical Development of an Lex: Need, General or Particular, is Dealt with as to Meet Necessity
No full textİster bireysel istertoplumsal hayatla ilgili olsun günümüzde verilen fetvalarda cevaz alanı ya çokgeniş tutulmakta ya da daraltılmaktadır. Mubahcılığı ön plana çıkaranlarihtiyaç olgusuna dayanarak, neredeyse zarureti dahi faydacılık ilkesiçerçevesinde tanımlamış ve söz konusu alanı oldukça geniş tutmuşlardır. Diğertaraftan maslahat delilini metodolojik bir ilke olmaya hasredenler iseihtiyaçları bireysel ve toplumsal problemlerin çözümünde neredeyse yoksaymışlardır. Hâlbuki ihtiyaçlar, fıkıhta zarûrî, hâcî, tahsînî olarakkategorize edilmiş ve bunların değerlendirilmesine yönelik birçok ilke inşaedilmiştir. İşte bu ilkelerden biri de “Hâcet, zaruret menzilesine tenzilolunur” kaidesidir. Bu kaidenin ilk dönemden itibaren nasıl anlaşıldığı veuygulama bağlamındaki şartları tespit edildiğinde, zaruretin faydacılığaindirgenmeye elverişli olmadığı kavranacağı gibi maslahatın da hayattan kopukbir delil olmadığı anlaşılacaktır. Bu sebeple biz, makalede zaruret ve ihtiyaçkavramlarını açıklayarak, aralarındaki farkları, hâcetin umumi ve hususioluşunu, kaidenin tarihi seyrini ve güncel fıkhi meselelerde nasılkullanıldığını bir örnek üzerinden göstereceğiz. Böylece biz, bu çalışma ilegüncel fıkıh problemlerinin çözümüne bir katkı sağlamayı amaçlamaktayız.In the fatwas giventoday related to whether individual or social life, the area of jawāz either has been very wide or verynarrow. Those, who feature the behavior making prohibited things lawful, havenearly defined even necessity within the pragmatism on the basis of need andthey keep the area in question very wide. On the other hand, those who confinethe evidence of maṣlaḥa to a methodological principle, have nearlydisregarded needs in solving individual and social problems. Whereas, in the fiqh, the needs have been categorized asnecessary/ḍarūrī, human want/ḥājī and making beautiful/taḥsīnī, and many principles have been constructed for taking stock of them. Oneof the principles is the lex of “Need/al-Ḥāje, general orparticular, is dealt with as to meet necessity/al-Ḍarūra.” When it is determined how this lex has come out since the first periodand its conditions in the context of implementation are determined, it will become out that necessary cannot be reduced to need. In the same way, it will become out that the maṣlaḥa is not an evidence disconnected with life. So, inthe article, we will discuss the concepts of necessary and need. Then, we willshow what the conditions to be considered in implementation of this lex are,what its base is in the sharia, how it has come out since the first period, andhow it has been used in actual issues of the fiqh as well as in a specific example. Thus, with this study, wepurpose to contribute to the solution of the actual issues of the fiqh.SUMMARYThe notions of need and necessity (ḍarūra, ḥāje) which are of four notions cited in the lex were individually examinedand the differences between them were explained. The notions of general orparticular (umūmī, khuṣūṣī), because of their using as adjective of thenotion of ḥāje, were explained in thecontext of it. In the literature, the conception of ḥāje was used in the meaning both for all needs containing ḍarūra and just for needs apart from ḍarūra. A similar situationapplies to the conception of ḍarūra. Ḍarūra having two descriptions was used in the meaning of ḥāje at times. This closure inusing has caused the idea that both concepts have the same notion. In fact,from this point of view, there are the implications about that the lex isunnecessary. In this study, it is purposed that the mentioned idea andimplications are wrong. As a requirement, the differences between the mentionedconcepts were also examined under a separate title.As for the notions of umūmī and khuṣūṣī, the scope of umūmī and khuṣūṣī ḥāje were not transparentlydefined and were just explained through examples in the classical period. Inthe context of ḥāje, the descriptions about thescope of these notions have been done after the lex took its final shape andbecame popular in this shape. According to these descriptions, umūmī ḥāje is the needs regarding allcommunity. Khuṣūṣī ḥāje is the needs regarding acertain group in the community. There are interpretations as well about thatindividual needs must be dealt with in the scope of khuṣūṣī ḥāje. This study has sameopinion. Taking into consideration of the historical development of the lex,this situation has been more clearly understood. Taking into consideration of the historicaldevelopment of the lex, it is seen that the first person to make the lex acurrent issue is Juweynī (d. 1085). Juweynī mentioned the lex in differentshapes. These combine in the point of umūmī ḥāje: “Umūmī ḥāje is dealt with as khuṣūṣī ḍarūra.” Juweynī not mentioningthe notion of khuṣūṣī ḥāje in the lex shows that thereis the differentiation between umūmī and khuṣūṣī ḥāje in his mind. Juweynī has aclear attitude in umūmī ḥāje while is hesitant in khuṣūṣī ḥāje. Another point which he isclear is that the needs dealt with as ḍarūra is not pure advantage and relaxation and it must have some conditions.Likewise, Gazzalī (d. 1111) and ‘Izz b. ʿAbd al-salām (d.1262) continued the clear attitude of him. Both asserted some conditions about ḥāje dealt with as ḍarūra. But both did not mentionany notation to imply these conditions in the lex. However, Ibn al-Wakīl (d.1317) seems to want to show all ḥāje not to be dealtwith as ḍarūra by adding the notation of in some situation: “Umūmī ḥāje is dealt with as ḍarūra in somesituation.”In the historical development, it is seen thatthe first person to mention the notion of “khuṣūṣī ḥāje” in a lex is Zarkashī (d.1392). But he mentioned this notion in another lex not in the lex in question.It is claimed that the addition of “khuṣūṣī ḥāje” to the lex was done intime of Ibn al-Wakīl or before and Zarkashī divided the lex in two as umūmī ḥāje and khuṣūṣī ḥāje. But this study proves forthe mentioned claims to be unsuitable the historical development. Because, thefirst person to mention the notions both of umūmī ḥāje and khuṣūṣī ḥāje in one lex is Suyūtī (d.1505): “Ḥāje, umūmī or khuṣūsī, is dealt with as to meet ḍarūra.” The lex has been fixedand become popular as it is. After this, especially in the recent period, theclear definitions have started to be done regarding what scope the notions of umūmī and khuṣūsī ḥāje in question in the lex is and the conditions about ḥāje have been dwelled on. Inthis study, the conditions in question have been treated under four items. In this study, this conditions have beenanalyzed with regard to functionality of the lex. It has been determined thatthe idea claimed about that ḥāje must not opposeto a special base, in the context of the first conditions especially, willcancel the functionality of the lex. The current use of thelex, because of the study’s boundaries, has been dealt with over a specificexample topic. The issue of being a resident has been preferred as an exampletopic. Though there is an alliance about having a residence as a need, there isa conflict about the buying a residence by bank credit. While some have notallowed this by claiming that credit is against to a special base, some haveallowed it on the basis of this lex. According to the second group, when itsconditions are met, the buying a residence by credit is permissible. Because,residence is among essential needs. In this study, it is stated that thepreferred opinion is this. However, by taking into account the spirit of shariait is expressed that every need for having a residence cannot be dealt with asnecessity. It has been emphasized that instead of accepting everything as aneed dictated especially by the consumerism that elevates human desires to anuncontrollable level, identifying a suitable need for our own values isimportant. This study deals with the lex of “Need,general or particular, is dealt with as to meet necessity” used in the fatwās today. The study determining thehistorical development and break points of the lex and the conditions arguedabout it examines daily use of it on the basis of a current example. So thestudy purposes to prove how the lex must come out in solving of the otherproblems. The study is of important to determine the break points of the lex inits historical development.Ḥāje must be appropriate to a base in the sharia. Ḥāje must contain a hardship over ordinary hardship. Ḥāje must not be possible to eliminate by a legitimate way. Ḥāje must be realized by conclusive evidence or near it.In this study, this conditions have beenanalyzed with regard to functionality of the lex. It has been determined thatthe idea claimed about that ḥāje must not opposeto a special base, in the context of the first conditions especially, willcancel the functionality of the lex.The current use of thelex, because of the study’s boundaries, has been dealt with over a specificexample topic. The issue of being a resident has been preferred as an exampletopic. Though there is an alliance about having a residence as a need, there isa conflict about the buying a residence by bank credit. While some have notallowed this by claiming that credit is against to a special base, some haveallowed it on the basis of this lex. According to the second group, when itsconditions are met, the buying a residence by credit is permissible. Because,residence is among essential needs. In this study, it is stated that thepreferred opinion is this. However, by taking into account the spirit of shariait is expressed that every need for having a residence cannot be dealt with asnecessity. It has been emphasized that instead of accepting everything as aneed dictated especially by the consumerism that elevates human desires to anuncontrollable level, identifying a suitable need for our own values isimportant
Sufism in Qādī Burhaneddin’s World of Thought
No full textFırtınalı bir yaşam sonucu elli dört yaşındayken 1358 yılında vefat eden Kadı Burhaneddin, savaştan savaşa koşmuş ve Anadolu beyleri arasında en faal isim olarak temayüz etmiştir. Bu özelliği nedeniyle kendisine “fetih babası” denilmiştir. Kadı Burhaneddin âlim, âdil, vakar sahibi, keskin zekâlı, yorgunluk ve sıkıntı nedir bilmeyen, bildiği doğruları söylemekten çekinmeyen bir tabiata sahiptir. Zevk ve sefaya düşkün olduğundan, şarap ve saz toplantılarından hoşlandığından bahsedilse de o, daha çok iyi kalpliliği, hoş meşrebi, bağışlayıcılığı, iyilikseverliği, neşeli tabiatı ve ulemaya yakınlığı ile tanınmaktadır. Hak uğruna verdiği mücadele ile temayüz etmiş, bu uğurda tehlikeleri göze almış, Allah yolunda sürekli infakta bulunmuştur. Ulemaya karşı oldukça yakın bir tavır sergilemiş ve onlarla sohbetten büyük bir zevk duymuştur. Haftada üç gün onlarla sohbetler düzenlemiş, yanına gelen âlimlere saygıda kusur etmemiş, halkına karşı adaletli ve şefkatli yönetim sergilemiştir. Kendisi ilmiye sınıfına mensup güçlü bir şahsiyettir. Kadılık vazifesinde bulunmuştur. O fıkhî donanımı kadar tasavvufî neşvesiyle de tanınmaktadır. Şiirlerindeki sembolik ifadeleri incelediğimizde onun rindmeşrep gibi gözüken pek çok beyitlerinin tasavvufî anlam derinliğine sahip olduğunu görmekteyiz. Kendisi bir sûfî olmamakla birlikte Kadı’n’n sûfîlere yakın ve tasavvufa yatkın bir isim olduğunu görmekteyiz.ABSTRACT: Qādī Burhaneddin, who died in 1358 at the age of 54 after living a stormy life, came out of many wars and distinguished as the most active name among Anatolian seigniors. He was called ‘the father of conquest’ because of this striking feature. Qādī Burhanuddin is a sharp-witted and fair scholar with dignity, tireless and never afraid to say the truth. Although he is said to be debauched and wassailer, he is mostly known for his kind-heartedness, cheerful nature, pleasant disposition, magnanimity, benevolence.and intimacy with the clergy. He became prominent in his struggle for the sake of Allah, took the plunge in this cause and gave away constantly in the service of God. Has adopted quite a close manner towards clergy and found great pleasure in conversing with them. He organized discussions with them three days a week, did not defect in respect of scholars visiting him and displayed just and compassionate relation with his community. Serving as a Qādī, he was a powerful figure belonging to the branch of ulema, and known for his mystical temper as well as jurisprudential mastery. When we examine his symbolic expression in poetry, we can see the depth of mystical meaning in many couplets that seem to be unsophisticated. Even not being a Sufi himself, Qādī Burhaneddin is prone to mysticism and closely affiliated with Sufis.SUMMARY: Qādī Burhanuddin saw mysticism as a relaxing element for the spirit and had to conceal himself due to his profession. Qādī Burhanuddin’s poems have an intimate and lively discourse which depicts the transience of the world, how lovers in God consider two worlds and the unity of beloved and lover, all simply reminding us that he was under the influence of Iranian Sufis.The frequent use of elements of beauty such as ‘hair, eyebrows, eyes, lips, waist, cupbearer and glass of wine’ reflects metaphorical meaning of words wrapped in the mystical sense. Sufism issues he dealt with are intertwined with the poet\u27s imaginary lover and love of humanity. In his poetry, the length symbolizes qualification of worship, the concept of gracious reflects beauty and perfection, hair expresses multiplicity of worlds, curl means anything that detains lover of God in his path, lip represents being lost in God’s love, the concept cupbearer symbolizes the guide, wine expresses divine love, glass stands for the heart of lover, Ka’be means reunion, to become soil suggests humility, basil symbolizes cleaning the heart with austerity, lover expresses the passion for the Beauty and Glory of God, beloved means God, melody shows divine trance, vein means God’s attributes, eye tells the process of perfection, cheek expresses divine manifestation God’s light, beauty spot reflects the unseen world, chin symbolizes the difficulty of getting the secrets resulted during observation, waist reflects the subtleties of secrets and zephyr expresses enlightenment .According to Qādī Burhanuddin, enlightened people experience unity in multiplicity and cannot differentiate between day and night because they have a variable nature. Being enlightened requires being dust-choked in the way of God’s love. He likens love to the prophet Solomon, mind to Solomon\u27s vizier Asaph and argues that saints follow love rather than mind as a guide in getting guidance and intellectual knowledge.By his recommendation ‘Never be fooled into the worldly happiness’, Qādī Burhanuddin claims that the world is an unfaithful friend since it converts peace and comfort into suffering and regret very soon. He likens worldly happiness to dreams which are interpreted with contrary expressions. Therefore, it is necessary to see the worldly pleasures as sorrows. The poet affirms that the entire world is worth of smell and everything in it points to ‘one God’ in reality.The poet introduces himself as a nightingale for his beloved and a rose for his friends as well as seeing himself junk and worthless before his beloved to whom he pays his only compliment as a poor dervish needy and bizarre. He mentions about how he gave help for mighty rulers in need and distress bravely because he was expected to distribute the enemy\u27s power and strength though he became a dervish later on.According to Qādī Burhanuddin, the presence of the existence is relative and nothing more than a shadow. Hundreds of thousands of mistakes come out of human’s perception of the reality. People should melt their existence within nothing so that his imaginary presence can exist in both worlds. Knowledge has many gradations, so people should know the essence of their existence. Love is the ultimate fire that heats the heart.Qādī Burhanuddin made sincere prayer to God, stating the sadness of the multitude of sins, but never felt desperate of God’s mercy and always paid his compliment to Allah. He declares that God is the only Creator and accepts him with his good and bad deeds. He expresses a complete surrender to the fate determined by Allah. For him, no one can breathe unless God manifests his Will. Filled with divine love and honored with life and spiritual joy, souls become miserable when they obey their self-desires which cause forgetting the God and becoming distant from their own reality. The way of finding the truth is to save the soul from the hands of ego. The universe is filled with God\u27s beauty, but we are unaware of this beaut
Māturīdī Theologian Abū Ishāq al-Zāhid al-Saffār’s Vindication of the Kalām
No full textEbû İshâk es-Saffâr, Mâtürîdî’nin (ö. 333/944) kelâm anlayışını benimseyen Batı Karahanlılar dönemi âlimlerinden birisidir. Telhîsü’l-edille ve Risâle fi’l-kelâm adlı kitaplarının içeriği, kullandığı yöntem ile Osmanlı ve Arap âlimlerce eserlerine yapılan atıflar, onun önemli bir Mâtürîdî kelâmcısı olduğunu gösterir. Bu çalışmada, onun kelâm müdâfaası konu edilmektedir. Saffâr, Telḫîṣ’e kelâm ilminin adlandırılması, önemi ve dinen meşrûluğu konusunda uzun bir giriş yazarak bu ilmin öğrenilmesi gerektiğini savunmuştur. Sistematik kelâm müdafaası incelendiğinde, Saffâr’ın Hanefi Mâtürîdîler içinde Kelâm ilminin savunulmasına müstakil ve hacimli bir bölüm ayıran ilk mütekellim olduğu anlaşılır. Sistematiğini kendisi belirtmese de onun kelâm müdâfaasının izah, ispat ve reddiye olmak üzere üç temele dayandığı anlaşılır. Saffâr’ın bu ilmi ısrarla müdafaa etmesi, V. (XI.) ve VI. (XII.) yüzyıllarda Mâverâünnehir’de kelâm karşıtlığının bulunduğunu gösterir. Bu döneminde Ashâbü’l-hadis ve İhvân-ı Safa, kelâma karşı cephe alan kesimlerdir. Bununla birlikte o, asıl olarak Hanefî fıkıhçılarının kelâm karşıtlığını aşmaya çalışmaktadır. Müdâfaasını, karşısındaki güçlü bir muhalafete karşı ortaya koyduğu için savunusu tutarlı ve ilmî derinliğe sahiptir.Abū Ishāq al-Ṣaffār was one of scholars of the Western Qarakhānids’ period who followed the Kalām thought of al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944). His theological works Talkhīs al-adilla and Risāla fī al-kalām, his method in kalām, and frequent reference to his works by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that al-Ṣaffār is a respected and authorative Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the kalām. By adding a long introduction to Talkhīs about the naming, importance, and religious legitimacy of the science of kalām, Saffār asserted that the kalām should be learned. When systematical vindication of the science of kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the kalām among Ḥanafī-Māturīdīs. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation. Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania. In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists. His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition.SUMMARY: Abū Ishāq Ibrahīm b. Ismāil Zāhid al-Ṣaffār al-Bukhārī is a scholar belonging to the Ḥanafī theological tradition which was improved by the contribution of Ḥanafī theologians who used thinking system of Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) as base and adopted Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) and his thoughts in historical process. The contents of his theological works Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd and Risāla fī al-Kalām, the method that he used, and references to his works made by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that he is an important Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the science of Kalām.In Talkhīs al-adilla, there are two sections including the subject of naming, and importance and necessity of Kalām discipline. Here, the necessity of learning Kalām and its value are defended in detail.Besides, rumors “Abū Ḥanīfa turned away from the science of Kalām in his doomsdays” and that “He prohibited to make occupation with Kalām completely” are evaluated.When systematical vindication of the science of Kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the Kalām among Ḥanafī Māturīdīs. Even if Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī, Abū al-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 493/1100) and Abū Muʿīn al-Nasafī (d. 508/1115) defend that the science of Kalām is not wrong for religion; yet, the vindication of Kalām does not take a place under a separate title and in a detailed manner in any of Māturīdī theologians works.The method that al-Ṣaffār used when he is defending the science of Kalām, differs from strategy of Abū Ḥanīfa. While Abū Ḥanīfa has mentioned that there is a need for the science of Kalām under these new circumstances, al-Ṣaffār has defended theologians who were charged with being Ahl al-Bidaʿ, by trying to prove that the prophets especially the Prophet Ibrāhīm, even the Companions of the Prophet Muḥammad (Ṣaḥāba) and the Successors of the Companions (Tābiʿūn) scholars use their minds and make arguments in religious matters. In this respect, he emphasizes that the Qurʾān orders to think and discuss gently, not to be stay in silence: “And dispute with them, using what is best” (16.125-126). Therefore, he states that this discipline which took a mission to explain and defend the creed of Islam (ʿaqīda), cannot be characterized as an innovation (bidʿah) or illicit.His vindication method can be defined as a more developed type of method that Abu’l-Ḥasan al-Ash’arī’s (d. 324/935) used in Risāla fī istiḥsān al-khawḍ fī ʿilm al-kalām. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of Kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation:a) Explanation: Explaining the necessity and importance of the science of Kalām by giving information about its definition, names, value and place among other principles.b) Demonstration: Revealing the religious basics of the science of Kalām from the Qurʾān, the Sunna of the Prophet Muḥammad, the Companions of the Prophet, and the Successors of the Companions thus specifying that it is legitimate for religion.c) Refutation: Replying the claims having aim to weaken the value of Kalām principle and its religious legality.Al-Ṣaffār describes ‘the science of Kalām’ as ‘Knowing the Real with the evidences which help to reach the absolute information’. By allocating the concept of \u27Ḥaqq\u27, he repeats the definition of Kalām as “it is to know God with certain evidences” in a part of his work, and “it is to know the principles of religion (uṣūl al-dīn) with certain evidences” in another part. He describes Kalām as “Knowing ḥaqq / God / uṣūl al-dīn by depending on evidence”, and tries to prove that it is wrong to consider a science which performs the stated duty, as illicit and abominable and thus turn away from it. Al-Ṣaffār thinks that it is right to call this principle as ‘Kalām’ because of the certain evidences leading to the truth that this science has used. This thought was defended by other theologians as well.For example, according to Saʿd al-Dīn Masʿūd al-Taftazānī (d. 792/1310) it seems like to say “This is the word (kalām), not the other knowings” by the way of the power of evidences used in Kalām.Thus, it is appropriate to give name Kalām for this science which based on certain evidences.Al-Ṣaffār’s explanations revealed in scope of vindication of the Kalām are adopted by some of following scholars. Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Sighnāqī (d. 714/1314) in his book called al-Tasdīd sharḥ al-Tamhīd fī qawāʿid al-tawḥīd quotes Saffâr’s explanations as the same.Al-Ṣaffār indicates that the method told in the Qurʾān is to reply questions about religion, beliefs and rejection instead of remaining in silence. The duty taken on by Kalām is this vindication activity performed by the prophets whose examples are described in the Qurʾān and which is legal and demanded. His way of thinking and vindication of the Kalām resembles that of Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī. Al-Māturīdī says, “Prophets and we were ordered to invite infidels to Islam. When this invitation happens, the respondents will ask for evidence and explanation, and discussion will be inevitable. Therefore, discussing and talking about subjects of Kalām is not objectionable”.Thoughts of al-Māturīdī and al-Ṣaffār regarding the vindication of the Kalām were repeated by Nūr al-Dīn al-Ṣābūnī (d. 580/1184), and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) later. According to al-Ṣābūnī, the evidences put against deniers and especially the discussion made by the Prophet Ibrāhīm to defend his own belief, prove the legality of Kalām discipline. Likewise, according to al-Rāzī, the duty of Kalām is just an activity performed already in the Qurʾān and ordered to the prophets. At this point of view, since the prophets were leading to Kalām, banning this activity is nonsense.According to al-Ṣaffār, the reason for why Abu Hanifa avoids his son Hammād from these discussions is that Abu Hanifa does not like discussions based on obstinate. Otherwise, it cannot be that Abū Ḥanīfa prohibits to learn Kalām and make discussion about Kalām. According to him, this behavior of Abū Ḥanīfa results from that people discussing with him are ignorant about the subject of Kalām, discussion turns to an obstinate, and coming to an end of discussion seems impossible. This comment of al-Ṣaffār is quoted in Miftāḥ al-saʿāda wa-miṣbāḥ al-siyāda by ʿIṣām al-Dīn Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafā Tashköprüzāde (d. 968/1561) and in Minaḥ al-rawḍ al-azhar fī sharḥ al-Fiqh al-akbar by ʿAlī b. Sulṭān Muḥammad al-Qārī (d. 1014/1606) as same as his words.Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of Kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against Kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania.In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of Kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists (fuqahāʾ). Because some of the Ḥanafī jurists thought that Abū Ḥanīfa forsook occupation with the science of Kalām and even he prohibited his son to have interest in this discipline. But some of Ḥanafī theologians such as al-Māturīdī, al-Nasafī and al-Ṣaffār protested this thought which describes Abū Ḥanīfa as a banner for Kalām.His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition.His book Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd is a unique source in terms of containing vindication of the Kalām in detail and also influencing the approaches of the next period scholars
Ana Hatlarıyla Hitit Dini
No full textABSTRACT: The Hittites who were origin of Indo-European and came to Anatolia occupied the region of Halys in central Anatolian around 1650 BC building Hattusa as a capital city. Expanding their territories into an empire they founded one of the most powerful states in their times and world. Including different ethnic groups Hittites called themselves by the expression of “1000 Gods of Hatti”. Incorporating several local gods existed in the lands they conquered they have had a lot of gods or divines. Among these gods are gods of Hatti, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Hurri, Assyro- Babilonian and ancient Indian. Many temples discovered in the Hattusa excavations are an important clue for their paying great respect to the gods. In this article benefiting from the evidences of archaeological and philological sources Hittite beliefs as a state religion and general aspects of this religion, gods in the pantheon, temples built for these gods, festivals devoted to these gods, the place of gods and humans, magic rituals, oracles, omens, prayers and mythological stories will be evaluated.SUMMARY: Hittites, who are from origin of Indo-European, came to Anatolia around 2000 BC and established a powerful state choosing Hattusa as their capital city in central Anatolia. It lasted until approximately 1200 BC. Several reasons such as destructions of the sea peoples, famines and some revolts struck the Hittite Empire. After the fall of the empire some small city states called Neo-Hittite occurred in Southern Anatolia. They were powerful states extending from Northern Syria to Mesopotamia. They were comprised of different ethnic identities. This aspect of it can be seen in every field of the Hittite culture. Specifically the religion of the Hittites bears a lot of marks of it. They called themselves “people with 1000 gods of Hatti”. They added the gods they met into their pantheon. Pantheon of Hittites composed of gods of Hatti, Hurri, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Babilonia, Assyria, Ancient Indian. Religious attitudes of Hittites affected by different cultures show a polytheistic structure.Sources of Hittite religion include many evidences of archaeology and philology such as temples, descriptions on palaces and cultic buildings, rock monuments, steles, sculptures, rythons and seals. There are festival texts, mythological texts, oracles and omens in the group of philological source. Our main informations about religion of Hittites come from these sources. We see representations of gods of Hittites on descriptions in archaeological evidences. Our knowledge about some other cultic activities also comes from same source. Festival texts in the group of philological sources give us information especially about cultic activities. Another main source about gods of Hittites is the mythological texts. We are able to learn their views of the universe and the celestial realm by these mythological sources. It appears that the texts had been used in religious rituals too.As understood from these sources, at the top of polytheistic religion of Hittites stand Sun Goddess of Arinna and Thunder God. Their pantheon also include a lot of gods from Hatti, Hurri, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Babilonia, Assyria, Ancient Indian. Temples which are believed to be homes of gods were very important in daily life of Hittites. The excavations carried out in Hattusa testify to existence of many temples. Among these, Yazılıkaya Temple is of primary importance. The temple located two kilometers northeast of Hattusa includes descriptions of gods in Hittite pantheon. Besides Hattusa, archaeologists discovered many temples in Hittite sites such as Alacahöyük, İnandıktepe, Kuşaklı. Including a social structure as well as religious one, temples contained a lot of staff. A lot of documents were discovered which mention the businesses and responsibilities of these persons.Relation between humans and gods necessitates some burdens on human side. If man couldn’t do their duties for gods perfectly, they punish the human beings. One of the most important of these duties is festival rituals. Hittites have many rituals dealing with festivals. They were celebrating these festivals in temples or sacred spaces in appointed times. Besides regular rituals, people were doing other activities such as dance, music, playing etc.The magic concept in Hittite society can be divided into two types, white and black. Black magic was forbidden. Magical rituals had been done by persons who have mastered it. The rituals carried on generally outside settlements, far away from cities. Besides magical activities, oracles and omens were also spread. Fortune telling was also one of the important divine methods to solve problems in the Hittite society. Prayer texts which include a binding language between human and gods were also a prominent part of cultic life of the Hittites.There is no detailed information about afterlife in this religion. After death ordinary people were belived to go under earth and royal personalities to be god to sky, divine realm. Evidence from burial sites has suggested that both interment and cremation were practiced. After burying, remaining relatives should pray for the departed lest they return into this world , otherwise they would harm to the living.Another source that sheds light on the Hittite religion is mythological texts. From these kind of texts can be learnt about relations between gods and humans, etiological explanations dealing with nature and cosmogony. Myths had been used in the cultic rituals. Mythological texts belonging to Hittite religion come generally from Hatti, Hurri and Mesopotamia. One of the most important of those samples is the myth, called “The Missing God Telipinu”. Telipinu got angry to something and disappeared suddenly. With his departure some troubles occur in the world. A lot of rituals had been practised in order to turn the god back from the place where he went and to revive the nature. These texts were also containing the names of gods.It seems that the Hittites, coming from outside of Anatolia, included a lot of gods into their pantheon and composed them in their understanding of religion. So they built a syncretic system of beliefs. Most important part of cuneiform texts discovered in excavations shows the importance of religion in the Hittite society. Regular and appointed times for rituals were also important for Hittites. Otherwise gods would punish the people and send calamity upon them. M.Ö. 2000 yıllarında Anadolu’ya gelen Hint-Avrupa kökenli Hititler M.Ö. 1650’de Kızılırmak Havzası’nda yer alan Hattuşa (Boğazköy) merkezli bir devlet kurmuşlardır. Orta Anadolu’da kurulan bu devlet ilerleyen süreçte büyük bir imparatorluk haline gelmiştir. Farklı etnik kökenlere sahip toplulukları bünyesinde barındıran Hititler kendilerini “Bin Tanrılı Halk” olarak adlandırmışlardır. Fethettikleri bölgelerin tanrılarını kendi tanrılarının arasına dâhil eden Hititler geniş bir tanrılar topluluğuna sahip olmuştur. Bu tanrıların arasında Hatti, Luvi, Pala, Sümer, Hurri, Asur, Babil ve Eski Hint kökenli tanrılar yer almaktadır. Boğazköy’de gerçekleştirilen kazılarda pek çok tapınak yapısının ortaya çıkarılması Hititlerin tanrılarına verdikleri önemi göstermektedir. Bu makalede kendisine kaynaklık eden arkeolojik ve filolojik verilerden yola çıkılarak bir devlet dini olan Hitit dini, Hitit dininin genel özellikleri, Hitit panteonunda yer alan tanrılar, bu tanrılar için yapılmış olan tapınaklar, tanrılar adına yapılan bayram törenleri, tanrıların ve insanların konumu, büyü ritüelleri, fal ve kehanet uygulamaları, dualar ve mitolojik hikâyeler çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır
On the Malaysian Public Zakat Administration
No full textZekât, zengin ile fakir arasında köprü oluşturan,darda kalanların imdadına yetişen ve böylece toplumsal huzur ve barışa önemlikatkı sağlayan mali bir ibadettir. Devletin gözetim ve denetiminde usulüneuygun toplanıp hak edenlere ulaştırıldığı zamanlarda ekonomik açıdan zengin vefakir arasındaki mesafenin azalmasına, toplumda sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışmafaaliyetlerinin gelişmesine ve ekonominin canlanmasına destek olmuştur. 1957yılında İngilizlerden bağımsızlığını kazanan Malezya, bağımsızlıktan sonra ülkeninasıl halkı olan Müslümanların, sömürgecilik ve Çinli göçü sebebiyle ortayaçıkan endişelerini hafifletmek ve ülkenin İslami kimliğini göstermek üzere, hacfonu, zekât kurumu, İslam bankacılığı ve sigortacılığı, helal belgelendirmegibi bazı İslami uygulamalarıyla dikkat çekmiş ve kamusal zekât uygulamasındakendine has bir model geliştirmiştir. Eyalet sistemi sebebiyle bütün ülkede tekmerkezden yönetilen bir zekât sistemi kurulamamış olsa da eyalet bazındazekâtın toplanması ve dağıtılması merkezileştirilmiştir. Uygulamanın bazı eksikve kusurları eleştirilmekte ve zamanla yeni düzenlemeler yapılmaktadır. Bunamukabil ülkemizdeki kamu kontrolünden uzak zekât uygulaması bu ibadetin amacınaulaşmasını olumsuz etkilemektedir. İyi işleyen zekât sistemlerinden istifadeederek ülkemizde de kamu denetiminde bir zekât sisteminin kurulmasına ihtiyaçvardır. Böylece zekâtın amacı doğrultusunda fert ve toplum hayatına yapacağıkatkılar daha iyi ortaya çıkabilecektir. Bu makale bu yolda atılmış bir adımolmayı hedeflemektedir.Zakat is a monetary form of religious worship thatestablishes a bridge between a rich and a poor, helps those who are in need andcontributes to peace and tranquillity within a society. When zakat is collectedproperly under a government control and transmitted to those who deserve, ithelped to decrease the gap between the poor and the rich, supported activitiesof social solidarity and revived the economy as well. Malaysia after itsindependence in 1957 has developed an interest in Islamic practices by drawingattention to a distinctive practice with the public zakat system. Even though anational- central system of zakat could not be established due to the federalstructure of the country, the collection and distribution of zakat has beencentralized on a state level. Parts of the practice are being criticized,reviewed and new regulations are introduced. Unlike Malaysia, the zakatpractice in Turkey is out of state control, thus it hinders zakat fromachieving its real purpose. There is a need to make use of the well-functioningzakat systems around the world and establish a public zakat system in ourcountry so that we can make the most of the benefits that zakat has forindividuals and societies. This article aims to be a step in that direction.SUMMARYZakat is one of the main forms of worship and is atthe same time one of the main sources for the state budget in Islam. It aims at making sure that the rich –thosewith higher wealth and income– protects the poor and the powerless and throughthis it contributes to the peace in the society. In the Islamic creed wealth inreality belongs to Allah; therefore, those who live an affluent life should notattribute their wealth to themselves alone and help those who, for whateverreason, are unable to meet their needs. Because there is a social dimension tothis form of worship, it is the duty of the head of state to collect the zakatand distribute it to the right people. Historically this duty has takendifferent forms and today, many Muslim countries sustain this collection andredistribution under state supervision.Malaysia is a country where zakat is collected anddistributed officially at the state level. In each state, there is an Islamiccouncil responsible for taking care of activities related to Islam and issemi-independent from the government that organizes the zakat process. Some ofthese do the collection and distribution together, some do it separately. Insome states, the process has been totally privatized. Constitutionally, eachstate is dependent on its own sultan in religious affairs, thus each has itsown mufti and partially different zakat practices and eac collect anddistributes its zakat within that state.Because religious affairs have been codified as theprivilege of the sultans of each state in the constitution during Malaysia’sfoundation, there is no attempt at centralizing religious affairs and acentralization of zakat practices; the establishment of an institution toachieve this is not possible. Moreover, the secular character of the federationdoes not seem yet compatible with making zakat obligatory. However, due to thedominant Shafi‘i tradition and the convention in the country, people see it asimperative to hand over the charity and tithe to state institutions.Furthermore, there are local fatwas – which are considered as legal regulationsin Malaysia – that require people with an income over a certain amount to payzakat. Those who have the most are expected to give it voluntarily.In the 19th century, when wealth sourcessuch as palm oil, cacao, rubber, tin were discovered, Malaysian officials werenot able to extend the tithe to these; however, in the last twenty-five years,based on fatwas that income should be taxable under zakat has led to a boom inzakat. In all states, the largest portion of zakat is collected through income,usually automatically deducted from payroll. An influential factor in thisoutcome is that individually paid zakat can be deducted from income tax. From2005 on, there have been other regulations to make it possible for legalpersonalities to deduct zakat from taxes.To increase zakat payment, especially publicationshave been produced to inform and encourage people, and modern opportunities tomake payment easy have been developed. The most often used method is directdeduction from payroll. The second most common method is payment through zakatmachines in different parts of the city by cash, check, Islamic credit cardand, debit card. In addition to these, online, internet banking, telephone banking,ATM machines, post offices, kiosk machines, sms-zakat options are allavailable.The distribution of zakat differs from year to yearand state to state. In general, there is an observable effort to pay all groupsfrom zakat, but because there are no slaves in some states no payment is doneunder this category. There are both direct transfers and indirect transfers,such as through the construction of houses for poor people. There have beencases where poor people who had projects were supported with funds and thoselater returned in zakat. There is support for students in terms of scholarshipsthrough fuqarā’, fī sabīl allāh and ibn al-sabīl classes. For the muallafaal-qulūb class, there is a foundation to encourage local people to convertto Islam and help them for food, shelter, clothes and education. For Muslimswho suffer as minorities in other countries help is provided through the riqāb,muallafa al-qulūb, fī sabīl allāh andibn al-sabīl classes. In the ghārimīn class, especially victimsof natural disasters such as flood and earthquake are supported.For those who have a right to receive zakat be ableto receive it, the state has to side with the powerless and help zakat fulfillits social and individual functions. The way zakat is spent requires statepolicy and will. For this reason, zakat should be institutionalized and allactivities should be organized by a single institution with state power behindit. Determining the recipients and the zakat-payers, and using the fundsefficiently is easier with the coordination of state institutions.Extensive zakat councils that include stateinstitutions should consider the ijtihāds in the area of zakat anew andmake decisions to create a just and consistent zakat system. For thesedecisions to be applicable, the question of what kind of a system could befounded in our country should be on the agenda in these councils. Once aninstitution – official or autonomous but with state power behind it- iscreated, solutions can be found as they arise in the way.
Topal, Şevket. İslam Hukuk Düşüncesinde Sedd-i Zerâi. İstanbul: Ensar Yayınları. 2015.
No full textVusûlsüzlüğümüz usûlsüzlüğümüzdendir, şeklinde bir kelam-ı kibar bulunmaktadır. Usûl üzerine yazılan eserlerin yaygınlık kazanması bu bakımdan önemlidir. Recep Tayyib Erdoğan Üniversitesi İslam Hukuku öğretim üyesi olan Prof. Dr. Şevket Topal’ın sedd-i zerâi delili ile alakalı eseri işte bu ihtiyaca bir cevap mahiyetindedir.Kitabın girişinde yazar amacını, metodunu ve konunun önemini ortaya koymaktadır. Birinci bölümde sedd-i zerâi kavramı ve mahiyeti, sedd-i zerâi ile alakalı maslahat, mefsedet, maksat ve vesile kavramları, sedd-i zerâiyi gerçekleştiren unsurlar, sedd-i zerâinin bazı kavramlarla ilişkisi, kavramsal gelişimi, sedd-i zerâinin hukuki niteliği ve sedd-i zerâinin kısımları anlatılmaktadır. İkinci bölüm İslam hukukunda sedd-i zerâinin kaynaklık değeri hakkındadır. Bu bölümde kaynak kavramı, bir içtihat yöntemi bakımından sedd-i zerâi, sedd-i zerâinin dayandırıldığı deliller, bu delili kabul edenler ve kabul etmeyenlerin delilleri ve değerlendirme kısmı yer almaktadır. Üçüncü bölüm ise, sedd-i zerâi uygulamasına ilişkin bazı örnekler ve sedd-i zerâinin aktüel değeri hakkındadır. Burada yazar ibadetler, ukûbat ve aile hukuku başlıkları altında sedd-i zerâi uygulamalarına yer vermektedir. Vusûlsüzlüğümüz usûlsüzlüğümüzdendir, şeklinde bir kelam-ı kibar bulunmaktadır. Usûl üzerine yazılan eserlerin yaygınlık kazanması bu bakımdan önemlidir. Recep Tayyib Erdoğan Üniversitesi İslam Hukuku öğretim üyesi olan Prof. Dr. Şevket Topal’ın sedd-i zerâi delili ile alakalı eseri işte bu ihtiyaca bir cevap mahiyetindedir.Kitabın girişinde yazar amacını, metodunu ve konunun önemini ortaya koymaktadır. Birinci bölümde sedd-i zerâi kavramı ve mahiyeti, sedd-i zerâi ile alakalı maslahat, mefsedet, maksat ve vesile kavramları, sedd-i zerâiyi gerçekleştiren unsurlar, sedd-i zerâinin bazı kavramlarla ilişkisi, kavramsal gelişimi, sedd-i zerâinin hukuki niteliği ve sedd-i zerâinin kısımları anlatılmaktadır. İkinci bölüm İslam hukukunda sedd-i zerâinin kaynaklık değeri hakkındadır. Bu bölümde kaynak kavramı, bir içtihat yöntemi bakımından sedd-i zerâi, sedd-i zerâinin dayandırıldığı deliller, bu delili kabul edenler ve kabul etmeyenlerin delilleri ve değerlendirme kısmı yer almaktadır. Üçüncü bölüm ise, sedd-i zerâi uygulamasına ilişkin bazı örnekler ve sedd-i zerâinin aktüel değeri hakkındadır. Burada yazar ibadetler, ukûbat ve aile hukuku başlıkları altında sedd-i zerâi uygulamalarına yer vermektedir.
İlk Dönem Eş‘arî Kelâmında Müteşâbih Âyetlerin Te’vili Sorunu
No full textABSTRACT: The principles of Ash’arī kalām, whose founder is Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash’arī, completed their first period after one century with İbn Fūrak and al-Bākıllānī. In this period, Ash’arī and his second-generation students adhered to the apparent meaning of the verses. In particular, they did not choose to explain the metaphorical meanings of the expressions of the Qur’ān which caused separations in the history of Belief. In this period, Ash’arī scholars avoided to explain the verses regarding the attributes of Allah. They only tried to understand the attributes literally and kept silent about the essence of the attributes. Regarding the controversial issues in kalām history which are the creation of kelāmullah and seeing Allah, in contrast to Mu‘tazila belief, they asserted by adducing from Qur’ān and Sunnah that Qur’ān is not a creature, but an eternal Kalām and Allah can be seen in Heaven. In conclusion, in the first period of Ash’arī kalām, it was clearly seen a reactional approach to Mu‘tazila’s rational method to explain verses. In the first period of Ash’arī kalām, importance was attached to the fact that literal meaning should be used in the explanation of Mutashābih verses and salaf belief issues should be explained and interpreted by adhering to the apparent meaning of the verses.SUMMARY: The founder of Ash‘arī kalām is Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash‘arī (d. 324/935). The principles, which are presented by Abu’l-Hasan al-Ash‘arī, completed their first period after one century with Ibn Fūrak (d. 406/1015) and al-Bākıllānī (d. 403/1013). In this period, Ash‘arī and his second-generation students adhered to the apparent meaning of the verses. However, as the resources reveal, there are few scholars in this period that show the tendency to explain the attributes of Allah, and these explanations were done in a restrict way, without breaking the nature of those attributes.We have applied as the main reference two basic works, the books Ash‘arī, al-Ibāne and Kitâb al-Luma‘, for building a major head of this research. In the context of reflecting his ideas, we have applied the Works of Ibn Fūrak al-Mucerred, Bākıllānī, al-Tamhid, al-Insaf and Kitāb al-Bayān. Besides these ones, there are other works which are directly related to our subject and guide our research thus being applied in the study. We try to present the views of the first period members of Ash‘arī kalām about mutashābih (one another) verses till the term of Bākıllānī, covering a century.Concerning the method and the perspective of our study, firstly we have examined the concept of mutashābih within the context of explanation way Then, we have examined how the Kalāmallah subject was viewed during the first period of Ash‘arī. In the last part of the study, we have looked into the view of attributes of Allah and the application way of explanation method in the context of mutashābih verses of first period of Ash‘arī Sect. In addition to this, we have made the comparison of the subjects of how the explanation of these attributes was done by scholars of the succeeding periods. Lastly, we have discussed the subject of ru’yatallah (seeing Allah in Heaven), which is important for the issues of kalām.The first period of Ash‘arī kalām’s approach to mutashābih verses, how they view the attributes of istivā, kürsī, yed, vech ve ‘ayn in the context of explanation way (te’vil) and how they view the matter of Kalāmallah, is of high importance. As a matter of fact, this issue is related with the kalām’s divinity. The primary statements about Kalāmallah in Ash‘arī kalām belong to the founder of the Sect Ash‘arī. Then, He divided Kalāmallah into two parts; Bākıllānī has advocated these parts and then proceeds with them.Ash‘arī does not give information about the description of muhkem and mutashābih in his writings. Ibn Fūrak explains his viewings about this subject partly. According to Ibn Fūrak as like to other interpreters. Ash‘arī divides Qur’ān verses into two muhkem and mutashābih. In this way, Ash‘arī describes muhkem as apparent and internal meaning of verbal words (lafız). On the other side, mutashābih is described as a thing for the situation of internal meanings and verbal words are similar and guides to several meanings preferred to one another and includes regard (nazar) and inference (istidlāl). In this context, even if Ash‘arī behaves in Salaf way about attributes, some first period scholars (intellectuals) of Ash‘arī likes Ibn Fūrak, adopted to explain attributes of Allah by applying to the source of dictionary to prevent themselves from not having simile (teşbīh). This type of belonging to Salaf way maintained till al-Bākıllānī. However, the subject of explanation way of attributes has changed in Imam al-Haramayn al-Cuvaynī (d. 478/1085) and his student al-Gazzālī’de (505/1111). Accordingly, Ash‘arī kalām, especially al-Gazzālī, adopted the explanations of attributes of Allah easily. This subject has been systematized more by Sayf al-dīn Amidī. However, the explanation of attributes of Allah has been reached the level of Mu‘tazila.The subject of whether Kelāmallah is to be seen as being created is an important discussion issue along with the history of kalām. In contrast with Mu‘tazila, Ash‘arī presents proofs from verses and Sunna to be able to say that Qur’ān is not created and it is an eternal (kadīm) kalām and that is separated into two parts; kalām-ı nefsī (purely) and kelām-ı lafzī (verbely). Ash‘arī asserts that Qur’ān is not being created. However, differently, Ash‘arī try to show effort for meeting rationalists who advocate that Qur’ān is created and narrators who advocates that Qur’ān is eternal (kadīm). So that the followers of Ash‘arī choose the way of integrating kalām-nefsī and kelāmi lafzī in orders to find solution to this ancient matter. Smilarly, al-Bākıllānī, who has important contributions along with the completion process of the Sect, comes up with the theory that if ever Qur’ān was created, it could not be its own subject because of being an object of something and could exists itself with something else, so that He has concerned with verses basic for his mental reasoning results in accepting Kelāmallah religiously as an object.About the issue of rü’yetullah, Ash‘arī and al-Bākıllānī assert that Allah will be seen in Doomsday (kıyāmet). They prove this with some verses and hadiths. Ash‘arī emphasizes that look (rü’yet/nazar) will be done by two eyes on the face. He says that it is exact that making eyes turn to the sky (al-Bakara 2/144) and searching the direction of Kabe and waiting for apocalypse (vahy) will happen. Based on this assertion, he criticised Mu‘tazila who asserts that ‘they wait for meritorious from Allah’ instead of the verse telling ‘they look at their Allah’ (al-Kıyāmet 75/23). Also al-Bākıllānī comments the seeing of Allah with a positivist perspective. As a proof, he says that Allah is present and seen but something should happen for that. He mentions that we cannot be the seeing subjects of things so that, we cannot see the occurring of subjects. He try to make the matter more clear philosophically. In Mu‘tazila there is a faulty about the comment of the verse my Allah, Show yourself to me and then I look to you’ (al-A‘raf 7/143). While the prophet Mūsā has the qualification of the task of being prophet, it is not possible that he asks Allah about impossibility. Because al-Bākıllānī thinks that such a situation means ignoring of Allah by the prophet. But he says that this is not valid for prophets. Briefly, like Ash‘arī, al-Bākıllānī is congruent with his predecessors (selef) about the issue that knowing whatever comments about Allah are accepted religiously is possible just for prophets. This reality should be reminded to Mu‘tazila. As mentioned in nass, Ash‘arī Sect says that Allah will be seen.As a conclusion, Ash‘arī does not prefer to explain attributes but to look at attributes without knowing about them transmitting from predecessors. According to resources, in the first period of Ash‘arī kalām, even if there were some explanations of some attributes in general, based on the information from dictionary, attributes are not based on qualifications. About a century later, Bākıllānī also interpreted and evaluated the attributes within some contexts. At this term, Ash‘arī followers emphasize that Kelāmallah is eternal as an apocalypse. In addition to this, they accept ru’yatallah and they view themselves as following Ahl al-Sunna way about the subject of seeing Allah after life.Eş‘arî kelâmının kurucusu Ebü’l-Hasan el-Eş‘arî olup ortaya koyduğu esaslar, İbn Fûrek ve el-Bâkıllânî ile yaklaşık bir asır sonrasında erken dönem olarak teşekkülünü tamamlamıştır. Bu minvalde Eş‘arî ve ilk dönem ikinci kuşak talebeleri, nasların zahirine bağlı kalmışlardır. Özellikle kelâm tarihinde ayrışmalara sebep teşkil eden muteşâbih âyetler konusunda te’vil cihetine gitmemişlerdir. Bu dönem Eş‘arî âlimler, Allah’ın sıfatları ve özellikle haberî sıfatlar hususunda âyetleri te’vil etmekten sakınmışlardır. Onlar, sadece lügat olarak bu sıfatları anlamaya çalışmış, bunların mahiyetleri hakkında sessiz kalmışlardır. Yine Kelâm tarihinde önemli bir tartışma olan kelâmullah’ın yaratılmışlığı ve Allah’ın görülmesi meselelerinde Mu‘tezile’nin aksi olarak; âyet ve sünnetten deliller sunarak Kur’ân’ın mahlûk olmadığını ve onun kadîm bir kelâm olduğunu, yine rü’yetullah konusunda Allah’ın kıyamette görüleceğini söylemişlerdir. Sonuç olarak ilk dönem Eş‘arîlik’te, Mu‘tezile’nin akılcı yöntemle nasları te’vil etmesine tepkisel bir yaklaşımın olduğu açıkça görülür. Erken dönem Eş‘arî kelâmında, müteşâbih âyetlerin te’vilinde lugavî anlamın dışına çıkılmamasına ve nassın zahirine bağlı olarak selef çizgisinde konuların anlaşılması ve yorumlanmasına önem verilmiştir
Engelli Çocuğa Sahip Annelerde Yas Süreci
No full textABSTRACT: Loss is an inevitable part of life and grief is a natural part of the healing process. In this sense, the grieving process is universal. People commonly associate certain losses with strong feelings of grief. Although the concept of grief is a direct reminder of death, grief and loss can happen in different ways – death, divorce, deployment or other situations of abandonment. Different effects can influence how people understand and approach the grief process such as importance and place of the loss in life, cultural background, belief systems, etc. Having mentally retarded child is also a shocking and unexpected situation for parents who are dreaming about a healthy baby. Parents can experience grief at this process. In 1969, psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross introduced what became known as the “five stages of grief.” These stages of grief were based on her studies of the feelings of patients facing terminal illness, but many people have generalized them to other types of negative life changes and losses, such as the death of a loved one, losses of dreams or unexpected disability situations. In this article, grief reactions of mothers who learns that she has a mentally retarded child during birth was investigated. It was determined that the five stages of grief proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross (denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance) are experienced by mothers. Also it was observed that, mothers need grief counseling in this process.SUMMARY: Loss is an inevitable part of life and grief is a natural part of the healing process. In this sense, the grieving process is universal. People commonly associate certain losses with strong feelings of grief. Although the concept of grief is a direct reminder of death, grief and loss can happen in different ways – death, divorce, deployment or other situations of abandonment. Different effects can influence how people understand and approach the grief process such as importance and place of the loss in life, cultural background, belief systems, etc. Having a disabled child is also a shocking and unexpected situation for parents who are dreaming about a healthy baby. Parents can experience grief at this process. Recent research has indicated that parents of children with special needs may experience feelings and symptoms of traumatic stress, particularly at the time of their child’s diagnosis. Letting go of the hopes and dreams they originally had, and which no longer serve them, is an exceptionally complicated and complex process. These feelings of grief and loss are often experienced but rarely spoken about or shared. In 1969, psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross introduced what became known as the “five stages of grief.” These stages of grief were based on her studies of the feelings of patients facing terminal illness, but many people have generalized them to other types of negative life changes and losses, such as the death of a loved one, losses of dreams or unexpected disability situations. Unexpected life events can have traumatic effects on the routine of life. It is important to determine the stages of grief reactions for the adoption of the correct approaches. For this purpose, in this article, grief reactions of mothers who learns that she has a mentally retarded child during birth was investigated. Therefore, semi-structured and open ended interviews were conducted with twenty mothers with disabled child, living in Ankara. Systematic analysis of data reveal that mothers with disabled child experiencing grief reactions. It was determined that the five stages of grief proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross (denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance) are experienced by mothers. Those stages are not a linear and predictable progression but generally mothers reported that they firstly feel shocked and denial. At this stage, mothers believe the diagnosis is somehow mistaken or it was a nightmare that will end soon. When mothers recognize that denial cannot continue, they become frustrated, Anger stage is characterized by those sentences: Why me? It\u27s not fair!"; "How can this happen to me?"; \u27"Who is to blame?"; "Why would this happen?". Bargaining is the third stage. The third stage involves the hope that the mother can avoid a cause of grief. Mothers seek for rational or irrational remedies with the hope of changing the result. Depression is the stage which involves the mothers experiencing sadness when they know there is nothing else to be done, and they realize they cannot change the disability. Sadness and hopelessness are important parts of the depression stage. In this state, mother feel herself really alone in life, may become silent, refuse attending social activities and spend much of the time mournful. The last stage of grief is acceptance. This does not necessarily mean that mother will be completely happy again. In this last stage, mothers accept the reality of disability. “Let us see in front of us, if this is the situation, what can I do best for me and my child?” Every parent is different, and grief is a uniquely individual process. There is no “right” or “wrong” way to experience grief; however, mothers need to have the space to fully experience and express all of these important feelings. So it was observed that, mothers need grief counseling in this process. Mothers of children with disabilities are in need of support and care at every stage. This requirement includes those steps:1. Mothers often need help in understanding their child’s disability. Especially at the first explaining the reality of disability, providing professional health care with a humanitarian approach is extremely effective on the mother\u27s grief reactions.2. Mother of a disabled child needs support from family members. Family members should be educated about the grieving process and need for support of mother.3. For a healthy grieving, mothers need psychological counseling support to overcome the loss by professional grief counselors at this process. A professional grief counseling system is a necessity for the mothers of disabled children.Kayıp ve yas deneyimi, yaşamın doğal bir parçasıdır. Her insan hayatının farklı dönemlerinde çok çeşitli kayıplar yaşar ve bu kayıplar için yas tutar. Bu anlamda kayıp ve yas evrenseldir. Yas bir iyileşme sürecidir. Yas denildiğinde akla ilk gelen ölüm olmakla beraber, aslında kişi için anlamlı olan herşeyin kaybı yasa sebep olur. Yaşanan yas tepkilerinin şekli süresi ve boyutu, kaybın türüne, kaybın birey için anlamına ve yaşamındaki yerine, kültüre, inanca, kaybın gerçekleşme biçimine göre değişkenlik göstermektedir. Kayıp sonrasında yas sürecinin ertelenmeyerek yaşanması gerekir. Sağlıklı bir çocuk bekleyen anne-babalar için zihinsel engelli bir çocuğa sahip olduğunu öğrenmek de, aynı şekilde ebeveyni bir yas sürecine sokmaktadır. Bu makalede, doğumla beraber zihinsel engelli bir çocuğa sahip olduğunu öğrenen annelerin yas tepkileri ve geçirdikleri yas aşamaları Kübler-Ross\u27un aşama modeli bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak annelerin bu süreçte tipik yas tepkileri vererek, yas aşamalarından geçtikleri belirlenmiştir. Ayrıca engelli çocuğa sahip annelerin yas sürecini sağlıklı atlatabilmek için yas danışmanlığı içeren psikolojik desteğe ihtiyaç duyabileceği görülmüştür