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The Security Implications of Finland’s Accession to NATO
Get PDFAfter World War II, Finland pursued neutrality, which
allowed it to maintain its sovereignty and security despite its delicate
position in Western value orientations, along with a very long border with
Russia. The Ukrainian crisis caused Finland to renounce neutrality and
apply for NATO membership. On 4 April 2023, after a unprecedentedly
short process, Finland became a NATO member. This study explores the
implications of this revision of Finland’s security strategy. Three main
research questions are examined, namely: What are the effects of Finland
joining NATO on NATO’s objectives? What implications does NATO
membership have for Finland’s security? How might Finland’s changing
status affect the European security landscape? The basic method is a case
study, an in-depth analysis of the abandonment of Finland’s neutrality
status in the specific security conditions. A historical method is also
used, enabling a contextual understanding of the various implications of
this major revision of Finnish security strategy, as well as partial causal
explanations for its initiation. Content analysis is applied in order to
analyse policy documents, reports, and the statements of officials about the motives for abandoning neutrality, as well as feedback from other
interested parties. The study concludes that Finland’s admission to NATO
could have a negative impact on the security of Finland and European
security as a whole, while at the same time being very useful from the
perspective of NATO goals in the Ukraine conflict
The Challenges and Prospects of the Development and Modernisation of the Western Balkan Countries in the Process of European Integration
No full textAfter the meeting of the leaders of the Member States of the
European Union and the countries of the Western Balkans in Thessaloniki
in 2003, the Western Balkan states were included in the EU’s accession
strategy, which envisages concluding a Stabilisation and Association
Agreement with the six candidate countries – Albania, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Kosovo.1 At the
same time, this document projects the development of mutual economic
ties through the introduction of autonomous trade measures with the
aim of opening the EU market. For this purpose, the EU was ready to provide non-reimbursable financial assistance. The prerequisite was the
harmonisation of national legislation with the acquis communautaire
and systemic preparation for the use of structural European funds. In
the implementation of the aforementioned strategy, the development of
good neighbourly relations and regional cooperation was of particular
importance, and in the interests of this the EU launched a number of
different initiatives – from the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe to
the Berlin Process to the European Political Community. A particularly
significant Common Regional Market Action Plan was initiated within
the Berlin Process. Its goals are based on four fundamental freedoms:
the freedoms of movement of people, goods, services and capital, as well
as the creation of regional digital, investment, industrial and innovation
spaces. Essentially, all EU initiatives adopted so far have the purpose
of preserving and advancing the democratic future and prosperity of
the countries of the Western Balkans through the revitalisation of their
industries and the achievement of sustainable economic growth. However,
the achievement of the stated goals has been significantly retarded by the
fluctuating methodology of the accession negotiations and the fulfilment
of the objectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU,
which conditions the process of European integration according to the
overall stabilisation of political conditions in the region
Hrvatska i strategija (proširenog) odvraćanja u kontekstu ukrajinskog sukoba: normativne osnove i praktični izazovi
No full textU radu se analizira učešće Hrvatske u proširenom odvraćanju
kao sastavnom elementu kolektivne odbrane NATO saveza. Cilj
istraživanja je da se ispita kako je članstvo Hrvatske u NATO
uticalo na njeno strateško pozicioniranje, kao i da se razmotre
posledice tog opredeljenja po regionalnu stabilnost, s posebnim
osvrtom na bezbednosnu dilemu u odnosima sa Srbijom. Sukob u
Ukrajini doveo je do ponovne aktuelizacije strategije proširenog
odvraćanja kako u teorijskom tako i u praktičnom smislu, o čemu
govori uvodni deo rada. Nakon uvoda koji pruža kontekstualni
okvir istraživanja, pristupa se definisanju ključnih pojmova
i njihovoj korelaciji. Istraživanje je vremenski šire određeno
od samog sukoba i obuhvata komparativnu analizu strateških
dokumenata Republike Hrvatske u oblastima odbrane i bezbednosti,
pre i nakon pristupanja evropskim i evroatlantskim integracijama.
Razmatraćemo i ključne akte NATO i EU, kako bi se procenili
uticaji sukoba u Ukrajini na strateške prioritete Alijanse
i Unije. Metodologija rada uključuje normativnu i analizu
dokumenata, kao i korelacionu analizu između aktivnosti Hrvatske
i širih geopolitičkih trendova. Poseban akcenat stavljen je na aktivnosti koje je Hrvatska preduzela u okviru strategije
proširenog odvraćanja, kao i na ulogu Evropske unije u jačanju
odvraćanja i njegovih regionalnih implikacija. Poslednje poglavlje
posvećeno je analizi odnosa sa Srbijom, uz fokus na korelaciju
između proširenog odvraćanja i „bezbednosne dileme” koja se javlja
kao nuspojava primene ove strategije.
Naučni doprinos ovog rada ogleda se u kritičkom ispitivanju
odnosa između nacionalnih bezbednosnih i odbrambenih strategija
i multilateralnih bezbednosnih politika, sa posebnim fokusom
na uticaj evroatlantskih integracija i sukoba u Ukrajini na
formiranje regionalnih bezbednosnih izazova. Rad pruža novu
perspektivu na dinamiku „bezbednosne dileme” u kontekstu
proširenog odvraćanja, ističući kako globalne strategije NATO
mogu proizvesti specifične implikacije u osetljivim regionalnim
kontekstima kao što je Balkan
Diplomatsko predvođenje ili tehnološko zaostajanje: Izbor grupe sedam (G7) u multilateralnim pregovorima o globalnom digitalnom dogovoru
No full textGlobalne razlike u digitalizaciji, inovacijama
i dostupnosti podataka praćene istovremenim
nadmetanjem država, regionalnih integracija,
kompanija i epistemičkih zajednica da predvode u
sve tri oblasti i da postojeće razlike otklanjaju,
predstavlja diplomatsku dilemu Grupe sedam
(G7) i Evropske unije (EU) kao njene „nevidljive
učesnice”. Polarizacija u digitalnom prostoru
je, izmenivši početni „duh” interneta
kao otvorene mreže, dovela do zloupotreba,
pretvaranja interneta u oružje i „cepanja” mreže
(splinternet). Pored delovanja pojedinih država kao
„naprednih, istrajnih i pretećih aktera”, poput
Ruske Federacije i Narodne Republike Kine, i
doktrinarnih razlika između Sjedinjenih Američkih
Država, Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva i EU, polarizacija
je postajala sve očitija. U cilju njenog otklanjanja,
Ujedinjene nacije (UN) su preduzele akcije u pravcu
obnove ciljeva otvorene, slobodne, uključive i bezbedne digitalne budućnosti pokretanjem
procesa usvajanja Globalnog digitalnog dogovora.
Istraživanje se bavi utvrđivanjem da li su
države G7, kao predvodnici u digitalnoj revoluciji,
međusobno usklađivale pojedinačne polazne pozicije
u okviru multilateralnih pregovora o Globalnom
digitalnom dogovoru (GDD) u UN. Pretpostavlja
se da se doktrinarno i strateški razvijana
digitalna diplomatija država učesnica G7
održavala i u konkretnom procesu pregovaranja,
odnosno da već od polaznih pozicija imaju usklađene
ključne zahteve i očekivanja uprkos neminovnim
razlikama van njega. Istraživanje će se zasnivati
na kvalitativnom pristupu, a kao glavna metoda
prikupljanja i obrade podataka koristiće se
analiza sadržaja dokumenata u kojima su iznete
pozicije država učesnica G7 i EU kao zasebnog
aktera, u početnoj fazi procesa pregovaranja, sa
ciljem deskripcije, klasifikacije i tipologizacije
činilaca za dalje vršenje komparativne analize
usklađenosti. Ukoliko se utvrdi da su države
učesnice G7 nastojale da usklađuju pozicije,
njihova digitalna diplomatija biće otporna na
polarizaciju u digitalnom prostoru. U suprotnom,
polarizacija prisutna i među državama i
integracijama istih ili sličnih ekonomskih,
političkih i društvenih sistema posledično
može otežati realizaciju Globalnog digitalnog
dogovora i njime postavljenih ciljeva
Political and Economic Challenges and Opportunities of Small States in the Chapter of Re-Building Infrastructure of International Relations: A Case Study of Serbia and N Macedonia
Get PDFStructural realism as a theoretical approach in this paper rep-
resents a good basis on which the authors analysed the foreign policy
actions of the case study states and initiatives (in the context of regional
cooperation). On the other hand, classical realism is also applicable to
the case of N. Macedonia, especially if the foreign policy actions of this
country in the context of the Ukrainian war are analysed in isolated conditions. For a comprehensive demonstration of the stated thesis, structural realism serves as the ideal theoretical foundation. Analysed from the
perspective of empirical examples, the authors managed to prove that
foreign policy actions, and thus the positioning of small states in current
international relations, are to a significant extent achievable, without
predicting how much such sovereign action is guaranteed and predictable in the long term. The period from the beginning of the Ukrainian
war to the present day represents, in a qualitative sense, a significant
indicator on the basis of which the capacities of foreign policy actions
of small states can be established. Most states have taken a position in
relation to conflicting and opposing parties. Therefore, it was possible
to quantitatively measure the “space” that small states “enjoy” in their
foreign policy positioning. On the other hand, in a quantitative, time
frame, this is a very small space on the basis of which a solid thesis can
be built that the foreign policy sovereignty of small states is the rule,
rather than the exception, in given historical chapters of international
relations. Therefore, the authors, using the example of N. Macedonia
and Serbia, conclude that the foreign policy sovereign action of small
states in contemporary and current international relations is realistic and
feasible if the positioning in question is not fundamentally opposed to
the interests of the great powers and if small states, on the internal level,
have a consensus according to the model of the lowest common political,
social and institutional denominator, on the key foreign policy priorities
of the country based on national interests.
There are several factors that can determine the “degree” of for-
eign policy independence of small states: medium-term adjustment of
foreign policy strategies depending on current international circumstances (these are subjects of international law that do not have the capacity
and resources to maintain long-term foreign policy strategies, therefore a
medium-term adaptive model, aligned with unchanging national interests,
is a quality basis on the path to creating “foreign policy independence”
a stable and sustainable internal institutional framework, protected and
resistant to phenomena such as politicization, corruption and clientelism
(this is the basis for independent action, protected from potential external
threats, challenges and risks which, in current international relations, are
one of the key instruments for “interference” in sovereign decision-making processes) creating realistic “pictures” of the situational interests of
the great powers in a given geographical area, general (comprehensive) and individual (a dual understanding of the comprehensive and individ-
ual interests (security, political and economic) of the great powers in
the Western Balkans can represent the basis for understanding Serbia’s
foreign policy actions in the context of the Ukrainian War, but also the
actions of N. Macedonia and Albania in the context of the Open Bal-
kans) regional cooperation and coordination based on the “lowest common denominator” (because historical experience shows that regional
disagreements largely contribute to “interference” in the foreign policy
decisions of small states, and thus to the impossibility of their foreign
policy independence and effectiveness)
Digital Game-Based Learning’s (DGBL) Effect on Students’ Academic Performance
Get PDFDigital game-based learning (DGBL) has redefined education in recent years. Instead of replacing conventional
methods of instruction, the aim is to make learning more complex and adapted to how students really engage with the modern
world. This study aims to collect data that will assist educators, students, legislators, and creators of digital games in recognizing
the value of the DGBL approach to education. Together, they may enhance and modify these approaches to better suit students’
requirements and enhance their academic performance. The study’s conclusions may significantly affect future applications of
digital educational games in educational settings. Since they could offer a deeper comprehension that would enable students’
benefit from personalized instruction through artificial intelligence (AI), while at the same time using immersive technologies would
increase students’ involvement, interest, and motivation for learning in a virtual environment. A questionnaire was emailed to 328
students at all three study levels, as well as faculty and administrative personnel from Megatrend University in Belgrade, who
took part in the study. According to the findings, participants believe that a) if digital games and educational content are combined
in learning, students are more likely to increase their learning efficiency in this way; b) if a digital game-based learning (DGBL)
approach provides a dynamic and engaging learning environment, it is more likely to increase student motivation and participation
in the learning process; c) if digital game-based learning (DGBL) includes rewards, feedback, and competition, there is greater
potential to significantly improve student learning outcomes; d) if digital game-based learning (DGBL) is supported by artificial
intelligence (AI), which enables personalization, the learning is more likely to dynamically adapt to each student’s performance
The EU and Arms Control: Building Capacities in the Western Balkans
Get PDFThe paper examines the European Union’s arms control policies, capabilities and infrastructure and determines the development of these policies and the relevant strategic and institutional infrastructure in the Western Balkans. It uses the nuclear pessimist approach to explain the theoretical underpinnings of the EU’s approach to arms control and compare the Western Balkans stands in relation to the EU’s. The authors present the EU policy toward the various arms control issues and examine the level of harmonisation of the Western Balkan states with the EU resolutions and strategies in the arms control area. Additionally, the authors present some of the EU institutional and educational infrastructure in the field of arms control and more detailed overview of the state of the discipline in the Western Balkans academic institutions. Authors conclude that most of the Western Balkans countries follow the EU examples in strategic and institutional field, but should work more on the improvement of diplomatic and educational architecture creating a real potential to become an arms control promoter as the only European region that still successfully implement sub-regional arms control regime
"Nuklearno deljenje" u Evropi - između proliferacije, kontrole i eliminacije
No full textRad istražuje stanje, kontroverze i budućnost politike i rasporeda snaga "nuklearnog deljenja" u Evropi, u uslovima rata u Ukrajini od 2022. godine i na Bliskom istoku od 2023. godine, kao i rastuće konfliktnosti međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj rada je da utvrdi moguće pravce razvoja politike i rasporeda snaga "nuklearnog deljenja" razmatrajući opcije proliferacije, kontrole nuklearnog i konvencionalnog naoružanja i njegove zabrane i povlačenja nuklearnog naoružanja sa teritorija nenuklearnih država. Rad se koristi metodama istorijske analize i analize sadržaja, sinteze i komparativne metode. Autor ove scenarije ispituje kroz analizu strateških dokumenata, doktrina i govora ključnih aktera, različitih predloga o novim sporazumima o kontroli naoružanja u Evropi i aktivnosti drugih evropskih aktera uključenih u nuklearnu razmenu u Evropi. Zaključak koji autor donosi jeste da aktuelni trendovi dovode do proliferacijske krize u Evropi, zbog čega se moraju jačati suprotni trendovi i snage koje pozivaju na kontrolu naoružanja i razoružanje
The Geopolitical Interests оf Great Britain and the Serbian Question: The Continuity of the Application оf Mackinder's Theory
No full textOver a long historical period, the objectives of British geopolitics in the Balkans have remained unchanged. These objectives, in accordance with Halford Mackinder's theory, are primarily directed against Russia and, as a result, largely inconsistent with Serbia's long-term interests. This paper compares the events of the early 20th century with current circumstances in order to demonstrate the continuity of the ongoing process
Contesting Climate Policy in the EU: Resistance, Repression, and Fundamental Rights
Get PDFThis article critica ly examines the growing tension between climate activism and state repression in the European Union, focusing on the legal and political implications of criminalising civil disobedience in environmental movements. It starts from the hypothesis that the legal frameworks of the EU member states and the EU itself insufficiently protect the rights of climate activists, leading to democratic backsliding and the erosion of fundamental freedoms. Grounded in John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience as a public, non-violent, and conscientious act aimed at changing unjust laws or policies, the article explores whether climate resistance should be considered a legitimate form of political expression rather than a threat to public order. Using a multidisciplinary and comparative legal method, the analysis draws on European and international human rights instruments—including the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Aarhus Convention—EU climate policy frameworks such as the European Green Deal, and recent jurisprudence from national and European courts. It finds that while legal systems nominaly protect freedom of expression and assembly, in practice, they often alow for disproportionate sanctions, police violence, and the misuse of antiterror laws against environmental activists. The article concludes that EU climate governance lacks a consistent human rights-based approach (HRBA), particularly in policy implementation and alocating EU funds. It ca ls for integrating fundamental rights into a l aspects of climate governance, including litigation, policy design, and public participation, to ensure a just, democratic, and socialy equitable green transition