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International Legal Regulation and Prosecution of Crimes of Aggresion
Get PDFPurpose: In the contemporary fragile international geopolitical environment, there is a tendency
to constantly question the international legal meaning of aggression as a “leadership crime”
against international peace. In this regard, the paper discusses the progressive development of
the rule on the prohibition of aggression in international public law and its incrimination under
international criminal law.
Design/Methods/Approach: The work is conceptually designed to follow the evolution
of the legal regulation of aggression. Considering the various forms of manifestation of this
criminal act, its meaning was examined by determining the content of the definitions accepted
in international public and international criminal law through the use of legal-historical,
comparative, and teleological methods.
Findings: The subject paper finds that the international legal determination of aggression after
the Second World War was a long and arduous task with unpredictable consequences. The
previous solutions were not satisfactory, which is why the work on defining aggression lasted until
1974, when the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 3314 on the definition of aggression.
This definition of aggression was the model for determining the definition of aggression in
international criminal law that allows the International Criminal Court to prosecute individuals
responsible for this crime against peace.
Originality/Value: The value of this scientific work derives from the historical and comparative
legal analysis of the most important international legal acts that determine the meaning of
aggression in international and international criminal law. In contrast to the international
legal definition of aggression, which concerns the establishment of a peremptory rule, i.e., the
prohibition of violations of ius ad bellum, the criminal law definition of aggression refers to
determining the legal responsibility of individuals. Taking into account these differences, the
author also pointed to the demarcation of competences between the UN Security Council and
the International Criminal Court
The Struggle for a New International Economic Order
Get PDFThe contemporary world is in the phase of disintegration of the international economic order. Such a con-
stellation generates a political crisis and additionally encourages an accelerated geo-economic regroup-
ing on the geopolitical axis - Global North and Global South. Divergence of economic interests between
developed and developing countries stimulated the process of establishing a new world economic order.
This order, which is in statu nascendi, was initiated by regional economic powers (Brazil, Russia, India,
China, South Africa – BRICS), which strive to balance the liberal order established by the United States
of America and the leading capitalist states after the Second World War. This constellation of relations
suits the countries of the Third World to some extent, because by establishing a new economic order, they
could achieve some of the key goals and principles of economic independence for which the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) and the United Nations fought persistently for decades. However, before that, these
countries should close their ranks and direct their efforts towards solving the most important international
economic problems, which include the reforms of international economic institutions, the establishment of
an alternative international financial system to the Bretton Woods system, the progressive development
and consolidation of international economic law and the reaffirmation of the role of the United Nations in
the sphere of international economic relations
Constitutional Reforms in Kazakhstan: The Transformation of the Political System Under the Leadership of Kassym-Jomart Tokayev
Get PDFKazakhstan witnessed the most substantial and powerful “political
earthquake” in January 2022, in its thirty-year history as a Republic.
Protests against the increase in the price of energy soon turned into
violent riots, during which 225 people lost their lives. The causes of
these events are certainly complex and profound. In order to
eliminate part of the cause, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev first
proposed and then implemented reforms that changed the
constitutional and legal systems and, to a large extent, transformed
the political system. In lieu of a super-presidential system, there have
been endeavours to establish a presidential system featuring a
robust parliament, which not only exercises legislative authority but
also assumes a substantial oversight role. In addition, the method
of electing people’s representatives in the assemblies was changed,
a balance of power and responsibility was established, and better
mechanisms for respecting human rights and freedoms were
ensured. This paper describes and analyses both the reforms
themselves and their reasons. At the same time, it challenges theses
about the past and future character of the Kazakh political system.
The theoretical framework is based on modern normative political
concepts, including dialectical-critical discourse in the part of the
research that refers to the views of individual authors on the history
of Kazakhstani constitution-making. The methodological framework
is based on the case study analysis. Conclusions support the thesis
that reforms are oriented towards the long-term stabilisation of
institutions and ensuring security
Budućnost ljudskih prava — osnovne tekovine Evropske unije na raskršću između hrišćanstva i islamizma
No full textEvropska unija predstavlja željeno odredište imigracije mnogih međunarodnih migranata. Promovisanje demokratskih vrednosti, ljudskih prava i sloboda, tolerancije i multikulturalizma pojačava talase imigracije ka Evropi. Ujedno, ekonomski motivi predstavljaju još jedan od pokretača ovog procesa. Tokom vremena, imigracione politike Evropske unije menjale su se u skladu sa aktuelnim međunarodnim, regionalnim i lokalnim dešavanjima. Stoga, u određenim periodima bile su liberalnije ili restriktivnije prirode. Međutim, tek nakon terorističkih napada koji su se dogodili s kraja 20. i početkom 21. veka, kao i migrantske krize sa kojom je Evropi bila suočena tokom 2015. i 2016. godine, primetan je trend porasta straha od islamizma kod evropskog stanovništva. Ovi događaji rezultirali su jačanjem desnih političkih struja u određenim državama članicama Evropske unije, koje svoju retoriku zasnivaju na populizmu što doprinosi rastu ksenofobije u evropskom društvu. Stanovništvo islamske veroispovesti predstavlja i danas dominantno stanovništvo Evrope. Problem integracije muslimana u evropsko društvo prisutan je kao i mogućnost ugrožavanja evropske kulture i evropskih vrednosti. U skladu s tim, u radu se ispituje kultura kao linija razlikovanja između hrišćanskog i muslimanskog stanovništva u Evropskoj uniji
Development directions of nuclear technology towards the most promising source of energy
Get PDFThis paper explores the scope and limitations of nuclear energy in general, as well as trends in
the development of nuclear technology. The big question is whether renewable energy sources
can replace the growing global hunger for energy. Due to their polluting effects and relatively
rapid drying up, fossil fuels will have to be replaced. What is the alternative? The author argues
that renewable sources do not have the capacity to replace fossil fuels on the pedestal of world
energy needs and that only nuclear energy is capable of this. The main hypothesis of the work
is that nuclear energy is currently one of the cleanest form of energy production despite all its
shortcomings, but in the not so distant future it will convincingly become the most ecological
and cost-effective way of energy production. The main axes of development of nuclear
technology with huge potential are: fusion reactors, thorium-based nuclear reactors and
uranium extraction from seawater. All three fields of development have already been
experimentally and operationally proven to work, and future progress is based on improving
their commercial viability. Analyzing the consequences of the successful implementation of
fusion and thorium reactors, with potentially unlimited sources of nuclear fuel, the author dares
to predict when nuclear energy will take the number one position in the global energy arena
The Crime of Piracy in Contemporary International Law
Get PDFThe crime of piracy has been recognized in public international
law as a crime even few centuries ago. Even though on the first glance
it seems that it is crime that belongs to the history, the reality is truly different. Namely, the public generally associates the concept of pirates with contemporary pop culture or with a phenomenon that existed several centuries ago. However, it is a criminal offense that results
in serious harm. The aim of this work is to present the concept of piracy, the historical development path, but also how piracy is perceived
in contemporary international law through the work of the United Nations International Law Commission and other bodies whose task is the
codification of international law, but also through state practice.
Precisely, in 2019, the International Law Commission decided to include the topic named “Prevention and repression of piracy and armed
robbery at sea” in its long-term programme of work. In this document,
the maritime piracy was described as “acts of violence, detention or
depredation committed for private ends by the crew or passengers of
a private ship against another ship, including the persons or property
of the high seas”. It is important to acknowledge that this is not a new
issue in international law. As a matter of fact, back in 1932 the first mention of codification and dealing with this crime began with the Harvard
Research Draft on Piracy. Later on, there have been many conventions
and other documents, but this topic still is not codified. Speaking of international crimes, we cannot not mention the International Criminal
Court Statute. In the Article 5 it lists the crimes that the ICC is dealing
with and the crime of piracy is not included in that list.
The International Law Commission has pointed out which are
the current issues of international law that are relevant to piracy and
armed robbery at sea. Those are the prevention of piracy at sea, meaning there is a requirement for cooperation, the repression of piracy at sea, which would require the universal criminal jurisdiction, the adoption and harmonisation of national criminal laws on piracy at sea and the clarifying the relationship of maritime piracy to armed robbery at sea, stressing out that the maritime piracy is a crime related mostly to the high seas, while the crime of armed robbery happens at a States territorial sea.
On February 7th, 2023, the Secretariat prepared the Memorandum,
which means that the Commission began its work. Not only that, but
on the March 22nd, 2023, the Special Rapporteur for this topic, Yacouba Cissé, provided his first report. Subsequently, on May 26th, 2023, the Drafting Committee gave titles and texts of draft articles 1 to 3 and adopted them.
The goal of this paper is to give an overall historical perspective of
the topic, to present the documents regarding the crime of piracy and
the state practice. Overall, the author wishes to emphasize the importance of the International Law Commission as a main organ when it comes to the codification of public international law. In that sense, we must carefully look at its work. The fact that this body even decided to tackle this topic shows how important it is, even nowadays. Finally, the author would like to show what is the main focus of the International Law Commission’s work and what are the possible outcomes when it comes to fighting this international crime
A Clash of Persuaders: How the West and Russia Vie for Serbia’s Stance on Ukraine?
Get PDFDespite being a European Union candidate country, Serbia has refused to
align with EU sanctions against the Russian Federation over the conflict in
Ukraine. Serbian officials have cited a number of political, economic and
historical reasons for such an approach, which has received harsh criticism
from Western countries and praise from Moscow. This paper seeks to
analyse the key strategic frames and narratives used by policymakers, media
and think tanks on both the Western and the Russian side to persuade the
Serbian public opinion and officials to change/retain the current position.
The fact that a year after the beginning of the conflict Serbia has retained its
original position can be explained by national interests, but also by public
support to the official position expressed by more than three quarters of the
population. This paper argues that such an outcome is due more to the
weakness of Western strategic communication than to the argumentation
of the Russian side. Its key manifestation includes the perception in the
Serbian public opinion that the West has adopted double standards over the
issue of territorial integrity of Serbia/Ukraine. The West has been waging
simultaneously two campaigns: one for the preservation of territorial
integrity of Ukraine and the other for the adoption of a diplomatic plan
implying the dissolution of the territorial integrity of Serbia over Kosovo, a
Serbian province which unilateral proclamation of independence in 2008 has
been recognized by most Western countries, but rejected by a majority of
United Nations members, including UN Security Council members Russia and
China
Srbija i Evropska unija dve decenije nakon Solunskog samita
No full textU junu 2023. godine navršilo se punih dvadeset godina od istorijskog
samita Evropskog saveta u Solunu, kada je tadašnja Državna zajednica
Srbija i Crna Gora uvrštena u pretpristupnu strategiju Evropske unije.
U kontekstu te, simbolički značajne, godišnjice pristupili smo izradi
ove monografije, vođeni nastojanjem da prepoznamo, analiziramo i
pojasnimo unutrašnje i spoljašnje političke izazove, napore,
postignuća i manjkavosti, koji su doprineli nepovoljnoj dinamici i
neostvarivanju strateškog cilja pristupanja Evropskoj uniji. Polazeći
od višegodišnjeg istraživačkog iskustva u domenu politike
proširenja Evropske unije, nastojali smo da naša saznanja i argumente
sistematizujemo i predstavimo na akademski relevantan način, ali uz
svest da se radi o aspektu koji je od šireg društvenog značaja, tj. o
jednom od ključnih nacionalnih prioriteta.1
Produbljivanje odnosa između Srbije i Evropske unije kritički
sagledavamo u višedecenijskom (istorijskom) okviru, iz proceduralne,
teorijske i geopolitičke perspektive, nastojeći da ispitamo doprinos
obe strane nepovoljnoj sveukupnoj dinamici odnosa. Na politiku
proširenja i pristupni proces Srbije nepovoljno utiče nekredibilno
i proizvoljno uslovljavanje sa evropske strane, nespremnost da se
podstakne brže povezivanje po metodama koje su oprobane u Centralnoj i Istočnoj Evropi (CIE), kao i niz visokopolitičkih izazova, među
kojima se naročito izdvaja dijalog sa Prištinom i načinom na koji je
on uključen u pristupni proces, kao specifikum Srbije u tom pogledu. Sa
strane Srbije beleži se opadanje harmonizacije sa pravom EU, nesklad
između strateških ciljeva i aktivnosti (kako u različitim politikama,
tako i u pogledu narativa i vrednosti), prioritet stabilnosti u odnosu
na demokratsku transformaciju, manjak političke volje i pad
usklađenosti sa Zajedničkom spoljnom i bezbednosnom politikom
(ZSBP) Evropske unije, što je preraslo u dodatnu prepreku na putu zemlje
ka punopravnom članstvu.
Poznati britanski Kolinsov rečnik za reč 2022. godine odabrao je
termin „permakriza“, koju definiše kao „produženo razdoblje
nestabilnosti i nesigurnosti“.2 Pored niza drugih kriza, dinamici i
razvoju prilika u Uniji naročito je doprinela invazija na Ukrajinu, čime
je podstaknut i geopolitički odgovor u nizu oblasti, od vojno-
odbrambene i humanitarne podrške za tu zemlju, preko deset krugova
restriktivnih mera spram Rusije, do sekuritizacije politike
proširenja i velikih promena u njenom opsegu. Naročitu pažnju
posvetićemo izmenjenim geostrateškim okolnostima u Evropi i
ispitivanju na koji način to utiče na evropski put Srbije. Nastojanja da
se blisko sarađuje sa akterima koji ne samo da nisu kompatibilni sa
menjajućom vizijom razvoja Evrope, već su prerasli u strateške rivale
– poput Rusije – postali su dodatni izazovi za evropsku integraciju
Srbije. Imajući u vidu geografsku poziciju zemlje, u enklavi unutar
Evropske unije, kao i izuzetno razgranate ekonomske, političke i druge
veze kao proizvod dugogodišnjeg strateškog partnerstva sa Briselom,
jedno od osnovnih pitanja koja se razmatraju u monografiji jeste: da li
snažnije sveobuhvatno usklađivanje sa evropskim standardima,
normama i politikama – drugim rečima, ubedljivija demokratska
transformacija po evropskom modelu – u takvim okolnostima
predstavlja još izraženiju nužnost nego što je to bio slučaj do 2022.
godine? Da li u takvim okolnostima stupanje u punopravno članstvo predstavlja racionalni strateški cilj, posebno imajući u vidu
dvadeset godina sprovođenja aktivnosti, procesa i promena baš zarad
tog krajnjeg ishoda? Ukoliko je članstvo i dalje tek dugoročno ostvarivo,
da li barem na srednjoročnom planu postoje metodi za podsticanje
dublje i obuhvatnije integracije, bilo kroz ekonomski, fazni ili neki
treći model?
Tragajući za nekim od odgovora na ta pitanja, prepoznajemo i da je
aspekt „normalizacije odnosa“ sa Prištinom za Evropsku uniju u
kontekstu rata poprimio dodatnu bezbednosnu nijansu. U ovoj
monografiji analiziramo dihotomnu i donekle protivrečnu ulogu Unije
kao, s jedne strane, promotera izgradnje kosovskih institucija i, s druge
strane, kao formalno statusno neutralnog aktera. S tim u vezi, dodatni
naglasak je i na istraživanju pojedinih elemenata presedana u istoriji
evropskih integracija, kada su kandidati za članstvo napredovali
uprkos postojanju teritorijalnih sporova. Ispunjavanje Kopenhaških
kriterijuma u pravcu stabilnih demokratskih institucija, vladavine
prava, ljudskih i manjinskih prava, dovršetak stvaranja konkurentne i
funkcionalne tržišne privrede i usklađivanje sa ZSBP svakako
predstavljaju obaveze koje je Srbija preuzela kako bi uspešno završila
pristupne pregovore – pod uslovom da se i dalje radi o primarnom
strateškom cilju. Ispunjavanjem tih kriterijuma unapređuje se ne samo
ekonomski, politički i institucionalni kontekst, već izgrađuje i
perspektiva za dugoročnu stabilnost kao dela „evropskog uređenog
prostora“. To je važno ne samo u kontekstu „starih“ uslova koji se odnose
na očuvanje stabilnosti i unapređenja regionalnih odnosa i saradnje,
već i u kontekstu geopolitičkih previranja koja su ishodovala
bezbednosnim promenama širom kontinenta. U takvim okolnostima, a
posebno imajući u vidu nominalno napredan politički status u smislu
stepena pristupnih pregovora, od Srbije se očekuje dosta, i to u
relativno kratkom roku: počevši od vladavine prava i osnovnih
sloboda, preko obračuna sa korupcijom i organizovanim kriminalom,
do zajedničke spoljno-bezbednosne politike i, napokon, postignute
normalizacije u odnosima sa Prištinom, premda krajnji ishod tog
procesa nije formalno određen na evropskom nivou.
Da zaključimo kako smo započeli: u vremenu anksioznosti u
međunarodnim odnosima, koji su dodatno pogođeni najozbiljnijom evropskom strateškom krizom u poslednjih mnogo decenija, postavljamo
i pitanje da li bi jedan od logičnih „anksiolitika“ bio umanjivanje
dodatnih napetosti i neizvesnosti kroz ubrzano usklađivanje sa
kriterijumima članstva u Evropskoj uniji? U tom pogledu, jedno od
dodatnih pitanja koje razmatramo jeste da li bi izuzetno složeno i
specifično tretiranje kosovskog spora u pristupnom procesu Srbije
(kao obaveze ustanovljene pregovaračkim okvirom) možda imalo veći
stepen podrške i razumevanja od strane Evropske unije u slučaju
ubedljivije, opsežnije i dinamičnije evropeizacije? Međutim, radi
se o hipotetičkom pitanju na koje nije moguće u ovom trenutku pružiti
detaljniji odgovor ili bližu prognozu, tim pre što ni na nivou same
Evropske unije kao poželjnog strateškog ishodišta – zbog unutrašnje
nesaglasnosti – nije zvanično artikulisano koji je to održivi politički
predlog dugogodišnjeg procesa normalizacije. Iz tog razloga, ni mi kao
autori ove monografije ne nastojimo da pružimo odgovore ni predloge
o regulisanju ni tretiranju ovog specifičnog izazova, već pre svega da
sagledamo retrospektivu razvoja tog činioca u evropskim integracijama
Srbije, uz razmatranje nekih analogija sa ranijim presedanima. Pored
činjenice da je pregovarački okvir Srbije u tom smislu specifičan,
podvlačimo i činjenicu da je izazov uslovljavanja prisutan i u ovom
aspektu evropskih integracija, što podizanje odnosa na održive osnove
čini još teže ostvarivim ciljem. Prepoznajući da se radi o aspektu
koji se ubraja među suštinski važne za evropski put Srbije,
polemišemo i da li bi zadovoljavanje preostalih kriterijuma članstva
moglo da doprinese značajnom približavanju članstvu, čak i u odsustvu
fundamentalnog napretka u aspektu „normalizacije odnosa“? Da li bi u
takvim okolnostima možda postojao veći stepen spremnosti za
razmatranje pristupanja po presedanima koji su zabeleženi u
prethodnim decenijama, a što bi možda u većoj meri pogodovalo
interesima Srbije?
Argumentacija za takva razmatranja proističe iz stavova da se radi
o specifičnoj situaciji, te da su u takvim situacijama tražena i
specifična, kreativna rešenja. Kako je geopolitika i ranije uticala na
politiku proširenja, uključujući i na pravljenje pojedinih presedana,
da li se u okolnostima kada pristupanje postaje sekuritizovano, a
istočni susedi s teritorijalnim sporovima postaju kandidati, ukazuje
veći prostor za razmatranje modela koji su pre 2022. godine dugo bili odbacivani? Da li ima stabilnosti bez izgradnje demokratskih
institucija? Kako uopšte može da izgleda stabilnost u okolnostima
šireg nazadovanja, u sadejstvu sa bezbednosnom krizom? Da li je u
takvim okolnostima produbljivanje partnerstva s Evropskom unijom
neophodnije nego što je to do skoro bilo? U kojoj meri će Evropska unija
nastojati da taj proces načini opipljivijim, i da li će time unaprediti
svoju sopstvenu sigurnost?
Premda su mogućnosti za pružanje celovitih odgovora i prognoza
umnogome ograničene širokim opsegom tema i pitanja,
dvadesetogodišnjica zvaničnog prepoznavanja perspektive članstva za
Srbiju predstavlja povoljan momenat za sagledavanje dosadašnjih
reformskih napora, postignuća, neuspeha i izazova, kako bi se pružio
doprinos razmatranju o pravcu i ostvarljivosti tog (ne)zaboravljenog
strateškog cilja. Ovo delo predstavlja odraz naših nastojanja da
spomenuta pitanja i teme sagledamo u kontekstu razvoja odnosa EU i
Srbije, i time pružimo doprinos daljim razmatranjima dometa, ciljeva
i perspektiva evropeizacije u našoj zemlji
Open Balkan: А New International Organization or an Unsustainable Initiative?
Get PDFWith the Western Balkans’ European integration completely stalled and its future uncertain, a new regional initiative was launched by Albania, Serbia and North Macedonia. Initially called Mini Schengen, it grew into the Open Balkan Initiative with an ambitious goal to form a single market with unhindered movement of people, goods, services, and capital. Despite active involvement of state leaders, the initiative lacks transparency, legal frameworks, and concrete plans to fulfill the strategic vision. It is also difficult to expect it to grow into a classic international organization given the failure to form an implementation body. In addition, the U.S. only conditionally supports the Open Balkan by demanding the inclusion of all six Western Balkan actors (which in practice proves to be impossible), while the EU only cautiously welcomes activities leading to further regional integration, given that it initiated the competing Berlin process in 2014.
This article examines the internal and external sustainability of the Open Balkan Initiative, its prerequisites, and its projects. It also argues that without support from the U.S. and the EU, an authentic regional integration in the Western Balkans is hardly feasible. Inter alia, the three countries have modest institutional capacities and incomparably small power potential
Between Securitization and Desecuritization: The Shifting Discourse on the COVID-19 Pandemic in Serbia
No full textThe COVID-19 pandemic has urged the political decision-makers to assess numerous factors when choosing between the
options they perceive an optimal response to this global crisis.
Using the theory of securitization, which claims that an issue
is constituted as a security threat through the use of a specific speech act performed by the securitizing actors in order to
gain support by the audience for the emergency measures,
the article examines how Serbian government’s decisions followed a pattern of revolving securitization and desecuritization of the COVID-19 pandemic in their response to the crisis.
Serbian government’s initial approach of downplaying the
threat was immediately followed by the state of emergency
which lasted until the June 2020 parliamentary elections’ campaign. The shifts between the securitization and desecuritization processes lasted until the unsuccessful securitizing move
in July demotivated the government from further attempts to
securitize the issue out of fear of the audience’s reaction. The
authors argue that the constant change of the security discourse on the issue caused a loss of the authority possessed
by the securitizers, induced a state of confusion among the
citizens (audience), and was primarily shaped by the context of
potential political implications it can bring, particularly in relation to the parliamentary elections of 2020