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Plivanje protiv struje: argumenti Džona Miršajmera o odgovornosti za rat u Ukrajini
Rat u Ukrajini koji je započeo 24. februara 2022. godine je u zapadnim
akademskim krugovima uglavnom izazvao vrlo slične reakcije.
Teoretičari iz oblastimeđunarodnih odnosa,međunarodne bezbednosti
i spoljne politike zauzeli su uniformne stavove koji uz osudu ruske
agresije na Ukrajinu nude i slične argumente za objašnjenje njenih
uzroka, a koji se primarno usredsređuju na imperijalističke ambicija
Vladimira Putina. Nasuprot ovim stavovima, izdvajaju se javni nastupi
i pisanja američkog autora Džona Miršajmera, jednog od vodećih
teoretičara realističke škole međunarodnih odnosa. Miršajmer
krivicu za ovaj rat prvenstveno vidi u širenju NATO-a na istok koje
direktno ugrožava bezbednost Rusije. Ovakve stavove Miršajmer je
zastupao i po pitanju Ukrajinske krize 2014. godine. Autori rada će kroz
analizu tekstova, predavanja i intervjua koje je Miršajmer davao o ratu
u Ukrajini izložiti njegove glavne argumente. Smatrajući da njegovi
stavovi direktno proizilaze iz teorije ofanzivnog neorealizma čije je
osnove Miršajmer postavio u svojim radovima, autori će ukazati na
konzistentnu primenu ove teorije na primeru rata u Ukrajini koja se
ogleda u Miršajmerovim izjavama
Smisao Rusko-ukrajinskog rata (Serhii Plokhy, The Russo-Ukrainian War: The Return of History, W.W. Norton and Company, 2023.)
EU-Sub-Saharan Africa relations: The history of (un)equal partnership
This paper explores some exploitative economic tendencies in Africa-EU
relations, tracking them from the Treaty of Rome, continuously through Yaounde, Lome
and Cotonou initiatives. As time passes, the exploitative aspect of this relationship is
getting vaguer through vocabulary changes and more subtle economic mechanisms.
Each new cooperation framework tried to emphasize the importance of equality in the
EU-Africa partnership but the inequality between the two parties constantly grew. This
is the case with the newest, Global gateway framework. This investment plan is an ad-
hoc initiative designed to counter Chinese interests in the region. The EU tends to be a
norm creator in the African continent. The paper reexamines the capability of the EU
to fulfill that role
Development of the Belt and Road Initiative in Serbia
The paper presents a general overview of the projects, observed according
to the sectors of the Serbian economy, which were implemented in Serbia
through the Belt and Road Initiative or are in the phase of implementation,
planning or signed memoranda between China and Serbia. This initiative
to strengthen trade, infrastructure and investment links between China
and the countries of Asia, Africa and Europe, through a network of land
and waterways, has affected the landscape of global trade, investment
and financing, thereby expanding China’s influence in the world. As a
European country which is not a member of the European Union, Serbia
found itself in a specific situation and was able to independently manage
its relations with China and conclude contracts directly. In addition to the
European Union as the main economic partner, Serbia is also turning to
China, so this cooperation has a growing trend in the form of Chinese
investments in Serbia, which are being investigated here, in contrast to
the almost non-existent implementation of Serbian projects in China.
Chinese companies in Serbia are actively building infrastructure, investing
in the energy sector as well as the privatization and renewal of production
of the former metallurgical giants of Serbia, and more. So, despite the
large trade deficit with China, this initiative brings tangible economic
and social benefits at the local level, creating new opportunities for
employment and income generation in the community. That is why it can
be said that the Belt and Road Initiative contributed to the development
of cooperation between Serbia and China
Statecraft Repertoires of China and the U.S. Before and During the Conflict in Ukraine
In pursuing strategic rivalry, the United States and China have used
a wide array of instruments from their statecraft repertoire. Washington
has worked on expanding alliances and strengthening bases in the Indo-
Pacific, sanctioning Chinese economy and officials, as well as promoting
a critical narrative on Beijing’s rise. China has launched regional and
global initiatives aimed at countering U.S. containment, promoting its
economic interests and defending territorial integrity. Following Russia’s
military operation in Ukraine, the U.S. and China intensified their
rivalry for influence in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. Washington
considerably reinforced its Beijing-containment military, economic
and political alliances in the Pacific, while promoting the narrative of
China’s “authoritarian threat.” Beijing refined its statecraft repertoire by
enhancing instruments in reaction to threats around Taiwan. In expansion
of its “interest and strategic frontiers” throughout the Global South, thus
boosting the narrative of the rise of multipolarity at the expense of U.S.
liberal hegemonism
Koncepcija unutrašnjeg i spoljašnjeg manevra i rat u Ukrajini
Znameniti francuski general i vojni teoretičar Andre Bofr (Andre
Beaufre) u svom poznatom delu ,,Uvod u strategiju“ izveo je definiciju
spoljašnjeg i unutrašnjeg manevra u okvirima velike strategije. Dok se
ideja spoljašnjeg manevra realizuje na svetskom poprištu, u smislu
pridobijanja saveznika i podrške za cilj (stvar) vlastite borbe, zamisao
unutrašnjeg manevra se realizuje u okvirima ratišta i sastoji se u
kvalitetnom upravljanju materijalnim i moralnim snagama i faktorom
vremena. Docnije su ovaj koncept preuzele oružane snage Brazila i u
donekle izmenjenom vidu iznele u borbenom pravilu ,,Strategija“ iz
2001. godine. U radu se koncepcija spoljašnjeg i unutrašnjeg manevra
primenjuje u analizi rata u Ukrajini, odnosno u njemu se sagledava,
opisuje i objašnjava kako dve zaraćene strane – ukrajinska i ruska –
primenjuju ova dva manevra, onako kako su izloženi u knjizi generala
Bofra i brazilskom borbenom pravilu
A Hesitant Hegemon: Layers of China’s Contemporary Security Policy
The book titled “A Hesitant Hegemon: Layers of China’s Contemporary
Security Policy” delves into the intricate dynamics of China’s role in
international relations, particularly its security policy in the post-pandemic
era. It addresses three core questions: Is the People’s Republic of China
(PRC) a hesitant hegemon in global affairs? What variables underlie this
claim? Can the seemingly contradictory term “hesitant hegemon” aptly
describe China’s pursuit of global influence?
Through a multidimensional analysis, the book explores China’s evolving
security policy by examining its layers, which encompass spatial-
hierarchical, functional, and institutional dimensions. This innovative
approach reveals China’s complex decision-making process and the factors
influencing its behaviour on the global stage. The book’s central thesis posits
that China, despite its superpower status, remains hesitant to assert
complete dominance across various domains. This hesitation is key to
understanding China’s position within the evolving global security
landscape. The analysis seeks to uncover the reasons behind China’s
hesitancy and provide substantiated insights into its assertiveness, or lack
thereof. Structured into five thematic chapters, the book offers a
comprehensive study of China’s security policy.
Chapter I: Theoretical Foundations and Grand Strategy
The first chapter explores the theoretical underpinnings of China’s
global ascent and its evolving security policy. It introduces the concept of
sequencing China’s security policy layers, encompassing the hierarchical,
functional, and institutional dimensions. The chapter examines China’s
peaceful development as a response to global security challenges and places
it within the context of grand strategy, using the Hegemonic Stability Theory.
The role of historical Chinese political thought and its influence on current
policy are also examined.
Chapter II: Evolution of China’s Grand Strategy
This chapter traces the evolution of China’s global agenda through its
four main grand strategies. It discusses China’s philosophical foundations,
emphasising Confucianism and Taoism and their impact on its worldview. The chapter delves into each Grand Strategy period, from internal
consolidation to economic reforms and proactive global engagement. It also
anticipates the potential Fifth Grand Strategy in the post-pandemic era.
Chapter III: Layers of China’s Security Policy
Chapter III dissects China’s contemporary security policy through its
layers, categorising them as spatial-hierarchical, functional, and
institutional. Spatial layers involve China’s regional security approaches,
such as its East Asian Policy and the Belt and Road Initiative’s security
component. Functional layers examine China’s responses to international
crises, including the Indo-Pacific security context, its role in mediating
conflicts, technological advancements, and the arms trade. Institutional
layers delve into China’s decision-making structure and its engagement in
international organisations.
Chapter IV: The US Perspective on China’s Security Policy
This chapter focuses on the Pentagon’s perspective on China’s security
policy, highlighting areas of concern and potential conflict. It analyses the
evolution of the US perception of China’s global rise and its implications for
international security. The chapter also explores China’s perception of the
United States, as evidenced by its published documents critiquing American
foreign and security policies.
Chapter V: Scenarios for China’s Future
The concluding chapter outlines three potential scenarios for China’s future
assertiveness: maintaining the status quo, evolving into a more assertive global
power, or even becoming a unipolar power akin to the United States. It draws
on insights from the previous chapters to develop these scenarios and provides
a synthesised view of the likely trajectory of China’s security policy.
Innovative in its approach, the book provides a comprehensive analysis of
China’s security policy, delving into various layers to understand its motivations
and complexities. It offers valuable insights for scholars, policymakers, and the
general public seeking to comprehend China’s evolving role in the global order.
The book’s rigorous research methodology, incorporation of primary sources,
and emphasis on theoretical frameworks contribute to its significance in the
fields of international relations and Chinese Studies
Uredba EU 2020/852 o uspostavljanju okvira za olakšavanje održivih investicija
Uspostavljanje unutrašnjeg tržišta Evropske unije
pretpostavlja realizaciju koncepta održivog razvoja, koji se zasniva na
uravnoteženom ekonomskom rastu, socijalnom napretku i zaštiti
životne sredine. Predanost Evropske unije, u sveobuhvatnoj realizaciji
ovog koncepta, ogleda se u sprovođenju ciljeva iz „Agende 2030”
Ujedinjenih nacija od 25. septembra 2015. godine. Sledeći pravac iz
pomenute Agende, Evropska unija je, 11. decembra 2019. godine, usvojila
inicijativu koja je kroz Saopštenje formulisana kao: „Evropski zeleni
plan”, kojim se predviđa nova strategija održivog razvoja zasnovanog na
modernizaciji evropske privrede i prerastanju Evropske unije u
pravednije i prosperitetnije društvo. Ova tranzicija trebalo bi da bude
otvorena prema svim akterima, s ciljem očuvanja prirodnih resursa uz
zaštitu zdravlja i dobrobiti građana od rizika povezanih sa životnom
sredinom, kao što su klimatske promene, gubitak biodiverziteta,
oštećenje ozonskog omotača, zagađenja vode, zemlje i vazduha i izazivanja
urbanih stresova. Budući da je ostvarenje strategije održivog razvoja
neposredno vezano za finansijski plan oporavka – „Sledeća generacija Evropske unije”, koji je promovisan u Saopštenju Komisije od 27. maja 2020.
godine, sva poslovna ulaganja unutar Evropske unije trebalo bi da idu u
pravcu uvođenja novih, efikasnijih i legitimnijih modela održivog
razvoja. Krećući se u pomenutom pravcu, Evropska unija donela je Uredbu
2020/852 kojom se predviđa regulatorni okvir neophodan za olakšavanje
tzv. održivih investicija, koje bi trebalo da postanu jedan od ključnih
faktora u prerastanju tradicionalne evropske privrede u održivu
„zelenu ekonomiju”
Депопуляция Балкан: как опустошается периферия ЕС
В статье рассмотрен феномен резкой депопуляции Балкан. Этот процесс непрерывно длится три десятилетия, а в последние годы ускоряется. Политические элиты государств региона и Евросоюза не видят в этом серьезной угрозы, т. к. обсуждение депопуляции приведет к дискуссиям о ее причинах. В исследовании показано, что на процесс депопуляции влияет политика ключевых государств – членов ЕС, прежде всего Германии. Они решают проблему нехватки рабочей силы с помощью чрезмерной эмиграции населения из балканских стран, что ускоряет депопуляцию всего региона. Этот процесс может привести к продолжительному отставанию в развитии Балкан по сравнению с Евросоюзом, долгосрочному ослаблению государственных структур, превращению региона в «зал ожидания для мигрантов» на пути в страны ЕС, а также представляет угрозу для коллективных прав балканских народов