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Delovanje Sjedinjenih američkih država i Velike Britanije na stanje bezbednosti u Evropi (posebno prema srpskim prostorima)
Nakon Drugog svetskog rata, SAD su preko NATO-a
učvrstile svoj uticaj u Evropi, gde im je najvažniji saveznik Velika
Britanija. Nakon nestanka Varšavskog ugovora i raspada SSSR-a
početkom devedesetih godina prošlog veka, SAD su postale jedina
supersila, a NATO vodeći bezbednosni savez na evropskom tlu. Na
Balkanu, SAD, Velika Britanija i NATO deluju zajedno imajući
apsolutnu dominaciju, pa su, sa jedne strane, promoteri tzv. Kosova
kao države u pokušaju, odnosno njegove separacije od Srbije.
Međutim, postepeni začetak procesa multipolarizma u svetu ima svoj
odjek i na Balkanu gde se, između ostalog, povećava uticaj Rusije i
Kine. To će, paralelno sa razvojem ukrajinske krize, imati svoj odjek i
u daljem rešavanju kosovskog pitanja. Srbija bi, posle Briselskog
sporazuma koji joj nije išao u prilog, trebalo opreznije da se odnosi
prema daljem rešavanju kosovskog pitanja. U tom pravcu, razvoj
multipolarnog svetskog poretka i povećan uticaj Rusije, Kine i
drugih sila nosilaca multipolarizma može se pozitivno dugoročno
odraziti na srpske nacionalne interese
Police Organizations in the Netherlands
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to show, through the organization of the police in the
Netherlands, how the modern police force and organization are functioning in accordance with
modern standards. In addition, through the example of the Dutch police, the transformation
of the police structure is shown not only in the area of crime but also in other phenomena in
which the role of the police is important, such as emergency situations. An additional purpose
of this paper is the presentation of the development of the police structure in accordance with
the needs of citizens and modern democratic standards.
Design/Methods/Approach: In the paper, the deductive-inductive method was first used
in order to understand the development and structure of the police in the Netherlands. In
accordance with that, the use of the analytical method in the paper served to provide insight
into the transformations of its individual parts. This particularly applies to the management
structure. The research went from the key premises on which the organization and functioning
of the Dutch Police are based to the implementation of police powers in the field.
Findings: The paper helps to better understand how modern police should be structured and
organized in a way that corresponds with the political system, public administration, and local
self-government in one country. The effectiveness of the police structure rests on constant
transformation in accordance with changes in society as well as the needs of citizens. New
threats in the field of crime, which often have an international character, affect the expansion of
police competences in order to preserve the safety of citizens, society, and the state. Threats not
related to crime, such as emergency situations, force authorities to expand and modernize the
structure and functioning of the police. In democratic societies, the aforementioned changes are
carried out by competent institutions in accordance with democratic procedures.
Originality/Value: The police organization in the Netherlands has some specifics and
characteristics that distinguish it from other countries in the European Union. Those specificities
will be analyzed through the main features of the security regions established in the Netherlands.
Security regions open up new opportunities for the more efficient functioning of the police
system. In the paper, these possibilities will also be shown, which should contribute to the
understanding of certain contemporary trends in the development of the police organization
Kontinuitet i promjena u spoljnoj politici Republike Albanije (Albert Rakipi, Albanian Foreign Policy the Perils of Change, Albanian Institute for International Studies, Tirana, 2021, p. 274.)
Consequences of Party Polarisation in the US Congress on US Diplomacy (Jeffrey S. Peake, Dysfunctional Diplomacy: The Politics of International Agreements in an Era of Partisan Polarization, Routledge, 2023, pp. 162.)
The Armed Conflict of the Dniester: Three Decades Later (Eugen Străuțiu, Steven D. Roper, William E. Crowther, Dareg Zabarah- Chulak, Victor Juc, and Robert E. Hamilton (eds.), The Armed Conflict of the Dniester: Three Decades Later, Peter Lang Publishing Inc., New York, USA, 2023, p. 251.)
Uticaj veštačke inteligencije na globalnu ekonomiju
Veštačka inteligencija je tehnologija koja predstavlja sposobnost računara, da
inteligencijom nalik ljudskoj, obavlja aktivnosti koje je do nedavno obavljao čovek. Predviđa se
da će u bliskoj budućnosti softverski programi veštačke inteligencije nadmašiti ljudske sposob-
nosti. U savremenom društvu ova tehnologija nalazi svoju upotrebnu vrednost u mnogim obla-
stima, a sve je više dokaza da će unaprediti i izglede globalne ekonomije. Zahvaljujući algori-
tmima visokog nivoa, kroz proces ekstrakcije i analize, ova tehnologija omogućava predviđanje
podataka, koji kompanijama mogu pomoći da donesu bolje poslovne odluke. Bolje i preciznije
odluke smanjuju poslovne rizike i troškove, skraćuju vreme izlaska na tržište, omogućavaju
optimizaciju upravljanja zalihama, predviđaju trendove i ponašanje potrošača, odnosno do-
prinose sveobuhvatnom povećanju produktivnosti i efikasnosti poslovanja. Ove tehnologije se
primenjuju i za predviđanje bruto domaćeg proizvoda, stope nezaposlenosti i inflacije. Takođe
imaju ulogu u promociji potražnje za inteligentnim i zelenim proizvodima, što doprinosi održi-
vom razvoju kompanija. Uglavnom se veštačka inteligencija u proizvodnim procesima upotre-
bljava u zadacima koji se ponavljaju, čime se smanjuje potreba za ljudskim radom. Iako je ova
tehnologija još uvek u razvoju, njeni ogromni potencijali da optimizuju industrijsku strukturu i
povećaju visokokvalitetni ekonomski rast su neosporni. Međutim, da bi njene mogućnosti mak-
simalno bile upotrebljene u globalnoj ekonomiji, radnicima će biti potrebna dodatna obuka i
prekvalifikacija zbog novih zahteva rada u sinergiji sa veštačkom inteligencijom
Is the Common Agricultural Policy tailored to the needs of farmers? Opinions of agricultural producers from Poland, Romania and Lithuania
The European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has been reformed several times since its launch in the early
1960s. It has evolved from a price support policy into a mechanism for supporting agricultural income and investment.
At the same time, increasing concern has been given to environmental issues, in line with the paradigm of sustainable
development. Part of this approach is the concern for the viability of family farms, including smallholder ones. The
question that arises here is whether today's EU agricultural policy is really adapted to the needs of smallholder farms.
The aim of this publication is to find an answer to the above question. Therefore, the study was conducted to assess the
opinions of small family farms owners on the financial support within the EU common agricultural policy. Three European
countries - Poland, Romania and Lithuania - were included in the analysis due to the relatively high share of small-scale
farms. The research was organised in two stages. In the first, a synthetic measure of sustainability of smallholder farms
was created among the holdings surveyed. The second stage included in-depth interviews with 20 – in each country -
most sustainable farms. As a result, it was proved that financial support, especially in the form of the simplified direct
payment, is necessary to ensure the viability of small farms, but the owners also expect greater price stability and equal
conditions of competition within the food supply chain
North Macedonia’s NATO Membership: Human Security Benefits or Status Quo
The essential goal of this paper is to provide an explanation about the
human security benefits of small states membership in NATO in contemporary international relations, on the example of North Macedonia. It is the latest country
to become a member of the North Atlantic Alliance, and it happened at the peak
of the Covid-19 pandemic. In that period, when NATO has proclaimed itself as an
organization which will help its allies in the fight against the pandemic by ensuring medical equipment, financial support, medication and other necessities, North
Macedonia’s citizens were faced with enormous difficulties as a consequence of
the weak national medical system, and the unpreparedness of national authorities to create a national strategy for facing the ongoing challenges, while at the
same time relying their country and citizens on international organizations and
institutions support (Deibel, 2007, p. 77). The example of North Macedonia’s full
integration in NATO during the period when a global pandemic was endangering
the world health system and was creating huge obstacles for ensuring human security sustainability at different levels, is the core example which leads us to the
topic of our research. The aim of which is to examine how certain international
security organizations, in this case NATO, are not able to provide adequate support to its allies, which in certain moments are exclusively dependent of foreign
support. This paper’s contribution, from a theoretical point of view, would be seen
in the confirmation of a realistic approach which says that national interests always prevail in international relations and that small states could not always rely
on the allies’ solidarity when in certain moment they are facing the same or similar challenges as big countries, especially when those are focused on resolving
internal all-pervading problems
Politika SAD prema rusko-ukrajinskom sukobu: između geopolitike i ideologije
Uloga Sjedinjenih Država u rusko-ukrajinskom ratu kao indirektnog
učesnika na strani Ukrajine ima svoju genezu koja traje od kraja Hladnog
rata naovamo. Autorova teza je da je podrška Vašingtona Ukrajini
motivisana geopolitičkim značajem te zemlje za strategiju liberalne
hegemonije, čiji je jedan od ciljeva eliminacija Rusije iz redova
nezavisnih velikih sila. Ipak, SAD nisu od početka igrale na
ukrajinsku kartu, niti su je kasnije dosledno koristile, što zbog
ideološke vizije da će se kapitalistička i demokratska Rusija pre ili
kasnije dobrovoljno odreći statusa velike sile i prihvatiti američku
hegemoniju, što zbog ambivalentnosti evropskih saveznika. To je
izazivalo nezadovoljstvo ukrajinskih nacionalističkih elita obimom
i kvalitetom američke podrške. Autor zaključuje da je Rusija sopstvenim
ideološkim pristupom i odlukom da napadne Ukrajinu pomogla SAD da
pomire geopolitičke i ideološke imperative, te da u svrhu vođenja
novog hladnog rata konsoliduju evroatlantsku zajednicu, čiji će
Ukrajina, makar i teritorijalno okrnjena, biti sastavni deo
Nuclear energy sector and cooperation with Russia on the path to energy transition in Serbia
The paper explores the scope and limitations of nuclear energy in general and
the suitability of a nuclear power plant in the necessary energy transition of the Republic
of Serbia. Energy cooperation between Serbia and Russia already exists in the fossil fuel
sector, where Russia’s strength is unmatched globally. As the largest supplier of gas and
oil to European countries, Russia uses the power of its resources for foreign policy
purposes, so even the current war in Ukraine has not stopped the gas supply to the
European Union. The author analyzes the potency of ROSATOM as the world’s largest
exporter of nuclear technology and the possibilities for Serbia to use the strategic
partnership with Russia for the arrangement of the construction of a nuclear power
plant. The work is based on a realistic theoretical setting of international relations. The
main hypothesis is that, on the path of the energy transition, Serbia must gradually
reduce its dependence on coal-fired thermal power plants, which are inefficient and
enormous environmental polluters. The best solution is the construction of a nuclear
power plant based on Russian technology. Serbia has already taken steps to improve
cooperation with Russia in the nuclear field through several signed agreements from
2018 to 2022. This serves as a solid starting point for the repeal of the law forbidding
the construction of nuclear power plants and entering into an arrangement for the
construction of such a plant on the territory of the Republic of Serbia