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Promašaji vlasti Srbije u pregovaračkom procesu oko Kosova i Metohije, pod okriljem Evropske Unije
U radu se analizira pregovarački proces vlasti Srbije u
vezi sa statusom srpske južne pokrajine Kosova i Metohije, počevši
od Briselskog sporazuma do sada. Uvažavajući nasleđeno stanje i
nenaklonost SAD-a, NATO-a i vodećih zapadnih sila, stiče se utisak
da je Briselski sporazum temeljac preteranih ustupaka zvaničnog
Beograda po pitanju Kosova i Metohije. Briselskim sporazum je u
suprotnosti sa Ustavom Srbije, takođe, po više pitanja ispod je
stepena suverenosti koje daje čak i Rezolucija 1244. Od tada se prenos
nadležnosti povećava i ubrzava. Vlasti u Beogradu formalno nisu
prihvatile tzv. Šolc-Makronov plan i anekse iz Ohrida, ali ih nisu
ni zvanično odbile. Pritisak i nasrtaji albanskih secesionista uz
prećutnu podršku zapadnih sila u protekle dve godine, na terenu
(okupacija Severa i maltretiranje srpskog stanovništva), samo su
dodatno iskomplikovali tešku situaciju na Kosovu i Metohiji. U tom
pravcu treba posmatrati i nelegitimni proces pokušaja ubacivanja
tzv. Kosova u Savet Evrope
Konkurentnost evropske ekonomije i energetska kriza: uzroci i posledice po balkanske zemlje
Uprkos najavama da će fluktuacija cena energenata koja doprinosi padu vrednosti električne energije, gasa i nafte na evropskom tržištu doprineti prevazilaženju energetske krize to se neće odigrati. Za krajnje potrošače na evropskom tržištu cena energenata ostaje visoka u dugom vremenskom kontinuitetu. Ovo je posebno problematično za evropsku privredu i pojedine industrijske sektore poput hemijske i automobilske industrije. Evropski ponuđači zbog visokih cena energenata gube konkurentnost i dosadašnju poziciju u globalnim okvirima. Dugoročno, ovaj trend će ostaviti katastrofalne posledice u svim evropskim zemljama. Ipak, kada je o Balkanu reč, to kratkoročno i ne mora biti loše imajući u vidu da su u tom regionu cene radne snage i energenata niže, te se ova destinacija pojavljuje kao potencijalna lokacija za (privremeno ili trajno) preseljenje industrijskih kapaciteta iz zapadnoevropskih zemalja
Strateška autonomija Rusije u menjajućem međunarodnom okruženju i posledice po regionalnu bezbednost Balkana
Promene karaktera i intenziteta međunarodnih odnosa uzrokuju i promene strateških pristupa ključnih aktera. Tekuće i buduće delovanje projektuje se u skladu sa novonastalim okolnostima, usled toga menjaju se dosadašnje doktrine. U tom kontekstu ovim radom analizira se promena pristupa Rusije nakon februara 2022. godine koja se odražava kako na unutrašnju, tako i na spoljnu politiku. Cilj Rusije je osiguravanje strateške autonomije u odnosu na kolektivni Zapad, a to podrazumeva i primenu koncepta proširenog odvraćanja umesto insistiranja na nuklearnom odvraćanju. Cilj istraživanja je analiza ostvarivanja strateške autonomije Rusije primenom koncepta proširenog odvraćanja po regionalnu bezbednost Balkana. Za to se koriste metode analize diskursa (usmerenja ruske politike) i analize sadržaja (pojedinih strateških dokumenata i izjava reprezentativnih zvaničnika), studije slučaja (balkanski regionalni okvir) i sinteze. Istraživanje je sprovedeno oslanjanjem na teorijski okvir neorealizma, uz sagledavanje država kao ključnih aktera međunarodnih odnosa. Hipoteza koja se dokazuje glasi da će uprkos nepredvidivosti daljih događaja i nedorečenosti strategija velikih sila, okretanje Rusije ka osiguravanju strateške autonomije ostaviti posledice po regionalnu bezbednost Balkana, zato što će indukovati sučeljavanje sa NATO na ovom geografskom prostoru koji je značajan za primenu koncepta proširenog odvraćanja
The Cooperation with the ICC – the Only Possible Way to Justice?
It has been more than 20 years since the Rome Statute entered into force. So far, the efficiency of the International Criminal Court is very questionable. There are only a few judgments. The ICC is very slow in reaching its decisions.Based on the previous chapters, we cannot evaluate the cooperation of the States and the ICC as a successful undertaking so far. Even though there are many critics, it would be wrong if the ICC bluntly did everything to make those critics go away. For example, the mentioned critic of only prosecuting the Africans should not be erased by just charging any individual from any other state. In order for the ICC to get and maintain its figure as the world criminal court, it ought to investigate and punish for the most serious crimes in the entire international community. It is necessary to have more non-Afri-can trials in the future, which ICC tried to achieve by bringing the charges against Vladimir Putin, the president of the Russian Federation in 2022. The withdrawal of States from the Rome Statute is making this harder. The States should support and encourage the ICC and finally help it, not abandon it. Of course, this cooperation part depends on the political will of the States, as we can see in the cases described earlier. In order to make them help the ICC, some newer approaches should be tried. Those approaches should be using the channels of diplomacy and persuasion, but also imposing sanctions. By diplomatic channels, the ICC should try to have more states ratifying the Rome Statute and become more universal in that sense. The Assembly of State Parties should use its powers and address the states that do not cooperate. It is also advisable that there are more conferences, round tables, workshops. The international community and its key subjects ought to be more educated and more aware of the ICC and how important it is to communicate and cooperate. The ICC should invest more time and money in organizing these events and educational seminars. Furthermore, the conferences would be an excellent opportunity for states to share their experiences and for the ICC to hear them and try to improve. The sanctions are also a great way to improve the situation. By threating with sanctions, above all the financial ones, the state might be more inspired to fulfil the cooperation agreements and obligations they have based on the Rome Statute. The Rome Statute should have an annex dedicated specifically to this topic that will declare how the states will be sanctioned together with the Security Council. In this way, the Security Council could show the political support that is much needed
Profiling Serbian Population: Exploring the Rise of Pro-Russian Leanings
Since the onset of the conflict in Ukraine in 2022, there has been an
undeniable upsurge in Russian influence across various regions and
developing nations. Among the Serbian population Russia enjoys an
unprecedented level of support. Pro-Russian sentiments have never been so
widespread in post-war history, as evidenced by numerous polls. The
objective of this research is to understand spreading of these public
sentiments. The data is collected through a survey involving 1,200
respondents from the territory of Serbia, but the statistical description of the
obtained data is only the first scientific goal. A deeper analysis requires
assessment of the impact of each independent variable on the formation of
the Serbian population’s stance towards Russia, which demands to employ
an empirical model. Given the categorical nature of all variables, Logistic
regression was applied. Within this model, the survey questions treated as
independent variables, while the focal point of analysis is the dependent
variable, namely, respondents’ commitment to establishing closer ties with
Russia. Independent variables (and survey questions) divided into four
categories: 1. the perception of the Kosovo and Metohija issue; 2. attitudes
and opinions held by the Serbian population regarding the eu; 3. the value
system of the respondents (embodied in LGBT movement and traditional
family); and 4. socio-demographic characteristics of the population, such as
the age and gender of respondents. The findings have unveiled that the most
influential factor, characterized by the highest coefficient and utmost
statistical significance, is the commitment of Serbs to maintain south province
Kosovo and Metohija within Serbia. Subsequently, the variables representing
disappointed expectations from the EU, negative attitude towards non-raditional values, as well as the age of the respondent, exhibit statistically
significant albeit less pronounced impacts on pro-Russian attitudes
Reflection of the 1999 NATO Agression in the Strategic Narratives of Global Powers and the Context of Multipolarity
Over the last decades, memory politics has become an
important focus of academic study, and among regional cases, a particular significance has been given to the
Balkan cases due to the conflicts in the 1990s. Yet, this
focus has been mainly devoted to how ex-Yugoslav societies (mis)use(d) memory politics, rather than on how
they relate to great powers’ geopolitical considerations
and policies. In this paper, we analyze how memory
politics played a role in the perceptions and actions of
the world’s leading geopolitical actors during the 1999
bombings, and how they interpret the event in today’s
strategic narratives, in the context of multipolarity. We
conclude that memory politics played an important part
in NATO’s crafting of the 1999 aggression against Yugoslavia, but also in the perception and reception of the
bombings outside of the political West, most notably in
Russia and China. They also played a strong role over
the last quarter of the century, strongly embedded in the
rise of multipolarity. Today, the 1999 NATO aggression remains a particularly defining moment in the narratives – and memory politics - of those who had been
“humiliated” in 1999 – Russia and China. On the other
side, the strategic narrative of the “victorious” NATO
countries appears to be on the defensive, toned down,
and mostly focusing on blaming Moscow’s memory politics for the Ukrainian conflict
Preparation of Serbia for the EU regional policy and negotiations in Chapter 22: Regional policy and coordination of structural funds
This paper aims to reflect on the developments, achievements, and challenges for Serbia in the context of preparations to meet EU membership obligations regarding Chapter 22. The analysis is focused on the main domains identified by the European Commission, namely: legislative framework, institutions, administrative capacities, and programming. The paper is divided into several subchapters: the normative framework, the institutional framework for managing the cohesion policy, the political perspective, and the concluding remarks, including recommendations
The Security Challenges of the Open Balkans from FDI Perspective - Case Study: Albania, Serbia and North Macedonia
Тhe essential purpose of this scientific article is to point out the already existing cause-and-effect relation between security and economic policy in contemporary international relations, on the case study of the Open Balkans. The analysis is focused on foreign direct investments and on the current security challenges and risks faced by actors involved in the Open Balkans initiative. In other words, this paper shows a double cause--and-effect relation: on the one hand, how security circumstances on the ground affect the attraction of foreign direct investments, and economic development policies in general; on the other hand, how much economic development in general, and thus foreign direct investments, determine security challenges and risks and how actors of the Open Balkans face them. The conclusion is clear: economic policies, and the economic performances and prosperity of actors within the framework of the Open Balkans contribute to the improvement of the security situation within this initiative, above all when it comes to contemporary security challenges and risks
Cryptocurrencies as Tools of Geopolitical Competition: Increasing the Anarchy of the International System
This research intends to provide a deeper insight into the potential
of cryptocurrencies as a tool in geopolitical competition. Based on
blockchain technology, cryptocurrencies could reshape the
international economy and politics in a decentralised manner,
challenging centralised money control, transforming trade relations,
and offering alternative pathways for international financial
transactions. The author employs the theoretical perspective of
structural realism, which acknowledges the existence of anarchy in
international relations in the absence of a central global authority,
to support the main hypothesis that cryptocurrencies have the
potential to exacerbate this anarchy. As these digital assets gain
prominence, their impact on global trade and financial systems will
likely further enhance the decentralised and anarchical
characteristics of the international system. Nation-states will seek
to control cryptocurrencies through legislative restrictions,
regulation, and, most importantly, by creating their own central bank
digital currencies (CBDCs). The analysis showed that such processes
are already taking place, but states will ultimately fail to minimise
the role of cryptocurrencies in geopolitical competition. Some
countries have successfully avoided international pressures and
sanctions through cryptocurrencies, and secret money flows open
up new challenges such as money laundering, war financing, and
terrorist and subversive activities
The Role of Mixed Reality in the Education Sector
Emerging technologies and the benefits they bring with them are increasingly
entering every pore of society. A new trend combining virtual reality (VR) with the real-
world scenarios, which is reflected in mixed reality (MR) devices, primarily in the HoloLens
headset, which allows users to explore the mixed reality world and control their movements
(even without using their hands), are increasingly finding their way to education sector. The
subject of this paper is the analysis of the impact and advantages of mixed reality (MR) devices in education, with a special focus on building communication and student cooperation
in the learning process. This paper aims to inform education experts about the advantages of
integrating these new technologies into the classroom to boost student motivation, enhance
students’ comprehension of the material being taught, and assist underachievers in overcoming obstacles to learning. The advent of immersive technologies has made it possible for students to learn remotely, which has shown to be very useful during the pandemic. Complex
trainings, experiments, and group projects may now be conducted in virtual environment
apart from reality, which can help students become more skilled and enthusiastic without
worrying that the results will be less effective than they would be in a traditional setting