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Uloga regionalne saradnje u savremenim međunarodnim odnosima
Regionalizam u nauci o međunarodnim odnosima postoji onoliko
koliko i sama nauka. Međutim, „regioni, regionalizam i regionalizacija su
sporni i često nejasni koncepti. Malo je slaganja o tome šta termini
obuhvataju ili o njihovom značaju za teoriju i praksu međunarodnih
odnosa”. Važno je istaći da se stari regionalizam mora razumeti u okviru
određenog istorijskog konteksta, kojim dominira bipolarna
hladnoratovska struktura, dok je aktuelni talas regionalizma potrebno
povezati sa aktuelnom transformacijom sveta. Odnosno, novi
regionalizam je povezan ili uzrokovan mnoštvom često međusobno
povezanih strukturnih transformacija globalnog sistema. Zapravo, kada
govorimo o regionalizmu postoji nekoliko različitih pristupa. Onaj koji
posmatramo iz ugla međunarodnih odnosa i onaj, savremeniji, koji
poznajemo kroz demokratske i institucionalne okvire. Kada je reč o
regionalizmu koji poznajemo u okvirima međunarodnih odnosa, pre
svega je reč o terminu koji označava određenu geografsku oblast na
svetskoj mapi, pa koja se kao takva analizira i tumači kroz različita naučna
polazišta. Postoji geografski regionalizam kao takav, gde jednostavno
region čini njegova integralna i fizička povezanost. Potom, postoji
regionalizam koji pored geografskih atributa poseduje i one političke, kao
dodatno vezivno tkivo. A zatim postoji i ekonomski regionalizam, kao
savremeni model povezivanja u jednom datom geografskom području,
koji kroz različite metode i modele integracije čini upravo taj region
prepoznatljiv u odnosu na druga geografska regionalna područja. Ne
postoji jedinstven put ka integraciji. Grupe se kreću na različite načine ka
manje-više i različitim oblicima integracije. Regioni nemaju iste običaje
niti istu podelu odgovornosti između centra i država članica. Stoga se
suočavamo sa raznolikom međunarodnom strukturom, sa različitim
grupama u različitim fazama ili sa različitim stepenom integracije.
S druge strane, kada je reč o drugom pristupu, o takozvanom
demokratskom i institucionalnom razumevanju pojma regionalizam,
bitno je istaći da je u ovom smislu pre svega reč o regionima koji su
predmet teritorijalne podele, odnosno teritorijalne organizacije, što je
precizniji termin, jedne celovite, integrirane teritorijalne jedinice,
odnosno države. Ovde je zapravo reč o regionalizmu, koji je kao model u
savremenim međunarodnim odnosima prepoznat kao instrument i
mehanizam u cilju efikasnijeg i efektivnijeg sprovođenja vlasti u
određenom subjektu međunarodnog prava. Tako su ustanovljeni državni
sistemi sa ustavnim poretkom koji prepoznaje federacijske,
konfederacijske, regionalne, ali i pokrajinske modele upravljanja i
sprovođenja vlasti u praksi. Međutim, u kontekstu demokratizacije i
institucionalne efikasnosti i efektivnosti išlo se i korak dalje, pa i u
zemljama koje nemaju nikakvu ustavnu teritorijalnu podeljenost, po
prethodno pomenutim principima, postavljene su zakonske osnove
regionalizma kao mehanizma za uspešnije sprovođenje vlasti na terenu,
ali i ekonomske dobrobiti u praksi.
Međutim, cilj autora u ovom radu jeste da analiziraju modele
regionalizma u praksi i teoriji u međunarodnim odnosima, te njihov
učinak i perspektive u aktuelnim međunarodnim odnosima – koji je pre
svega usmeren na međudržavnu saradnju, sinhronizaciju, koordinaciju i
integraciju u kompaktnim geografskim područjima u kojima su pokrenuti
ili postoje mogućnosti za pokretanja političkih i ekonomskih modela u
datim regionalnim okvirima.
Zapravo, regionalizam u ovom radu jeste prepoznat kao jedan o
ključnih aktera i činilaca u međunarodnim odnosima, determinator u
mozaiku međunarodnih odnosa koji ima uticaj na kretanja – politička,
bezbednosna i ekonomska – ali istovremeno trpi posledice, pozitivne i
negativne, od dešavanja na širokoj, odnosno globalnoj perspektivi u
pomenutim međudržavnim odnosima. Autori ovog dela u regionalizmu
prepoznaju polazište za razumevanje razvoja međunarodnih odnosa, u
metodološkom smislu od pojedinačnog ka opštem, ali i suprotno, od
opšteg ka pojedinačnom, imajući u vidu varijable na pozornici
međunarodnih odnosa koji neretko određuju političke, bezbednosne i
ekonomske tokove u određenim regionima.
Komparativno biće analizirani različiti regionalni modeli i okviri, te
njihovi postulati, ciljevi i dostignuti rezultati, kako bi se akademski
obznanilo da li je svaki regionalni okvir istih kapaciteta, te ukoliko nije ustanoviti koje su to determinante koje čine platforme regionalizma
različitim po parametrima uspešnosti, odnosno efikasnosti i efektivnosti.
Zatim, zašto su nekim regionalnim platformama pristupačniji
ekonomski modeli, drugima bezbednosni, trećima politički, da bi se
naposletku ustanovilo koliko je regionalizam u praksi moguć izolovano,
ekonomski, politički, bezbednosno, osim geografski kako je prirodno dato.
A u tom smislu, koliko je zapravo determinisana svaka regionalna
saradnja daljom i dubljom integracijom u političkom, ekonomskom i
bezbednosnom kontekstu
Princip dobrosusedstva u međunarodnom pravu
Svaka ozbiljnija analiza međunarodnih odnosa koja odražava dobrosusedstvo
pretpostavlja postojanje država i međunarodnih pravila koja regulišu njihove međusobne odnose.
Susedski odnosi između država danas su složeniji nego što su bili u prošlosti. Ovo je posebno
važno, ako se ima u vidu da susedne države često dele zajedničke vrednosti, kao što su vodni
tokovi, energetski i mineralni izvori, biološko blago, kulturna baština i dr. Susedne države neretko
dele i zajedničku istorijsku sudbinu i suočavaju se sa zajedničkim opasnostima poput ratova i
prirodnih katastrofa. Bliža saradnja među susednim državama postala je otud imperativ za njihov
dalji opstanak i odživi razvoj. Koncept susedstva nije više ograničen isključivo geografskom
blizinom, već se, s obzirom na socijalni razvoj, sve više pomera ka međuzavisnosti koja se odnosi
na čitav svet u kojem dolazi do globalizacije i povezivanja najrazličitijih oblasti međudržavnih
odnosa koji postaju sve složeniji sa uvećanim brojem međunarodnih subjekata na međunarodnoj
političkoj sceni. Sledstveno se i princip dobrosusedstva transformiše u opšti pravni princip ili
običajno pravilo koje označava široki model ponašanja koji treba da omogući mirnu koegzistenciju,
prijateljski dijalog, razumevanje i saradnju između država
Analysing Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between China and Serbia: Political, Economic, and military-technical relations
This chapter analyses the contemporary bilateral relationship between China and Serbia in the context of the deepening polarisation of international politics and the emergence of a Multipolar World Order 2.0. More than a decade ago, Serbia adopted a multivectoral foreign policy orientation which, in addition to China, included strategic cooperation with the EU, United States, and Russia. Today, Serbia is faced with the challenge of redefining its strategic balancing amidst geopolitical shifts and growing tensions. Despite being the only European country that has not imposed sanctions on Russia, Serbia has achieved an “ironclad friendship” with China, as described by both its leaders, while also aspiring to join the EU and maintaining good relations with the United States. China’s continuous international support for Serbia’s most pressing security problem, the international status of Kosovo recognition, implies its strategic choices that are beginning to take the shape of hedging. Therefore, this chapter focuses on China’s political, economic, and military cooperation with one of the closest allies in Europe – Serbia. Besides deploying the concept of strategic choices of small states and analysis of potential Serbia’s hedging, the author examines the evolution and impact of Sino-Serbian strategic cooperation for Serbia’s foreign policy preferences in the context of the changed security architecture in Eurasia and the competing interests of many emerging great powers in an era of a new multipolarity
Exploring the Middle East as a Market for Serbia’s Defense Industry
The purpose of this research is to explore the Middle East as a promising
market for the Serbian industry of weapons and military equipment. The
first step is building the empirical model by estimating the impact of
relevant economic and political factors on Serbian military exports. The
model utilized annual data over the period 2010-2021. The independent
variables refer to military spending and military imports of all importing
partners of Serbia in this industry, standard geographical factors, and,
more importantly for the targeted Middle East region, the impact
of traditional political and trade relations inherited from the former
Yugoslavia. The coefficients obtained show a strong influence of traditional
military export ties and the total military imports of partner countries.
Although post-Yugoslav Serbia has acquired new export markets in the
East, and even more so in the West, the most important markets are
still the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. The application of
the obtained coefficients on the countries of this region indicated four
groups of markets in this region, regarding combinations between high
and low realized and calculated potential exports. The results indicate
the special importance of the markets of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, the
UAE, and Algeria
Conclusion of the Council for National Security of the Republic of Serbia adopted on the occasion of the armed conflict on the territory of Ukraine that began on 24 February 2022.
The aim of this paper is to try to explain the foreign policy of small states
in contemporary and current international relations through the theory of
neoclassical realism and on the example of the case study of the Republic of Serbia.
The contribution of this paper in the theoretical sense testifies to the applicability of
the theory of neoclassical realism in current international relations. When it comes
to scientific knowledge, a kind of contribution to the theory itself is provided,
bearing in mind the fact that it is about the application of the said theory to a small
country, with limited economic, political, military and diplomatic capacities on the
international level. In the context of small states, this work provides a contribution
to the understanding of the creation of foreign policy and the adoption of foreign
policy decisions by small states, and provides an explanation of how much room for
maneuver they have in foreign policy action in current international relations
European integration of North Macedonia: a candidate-witness of the transformation of the European Union
North Macedonia is no longer in the focus of the enlargement of the European
Union. After the conflict in 2001, it was a leading country on the European road,
ahead of Croatia, which is already a member, in many segments. At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, it took on the role of “last wagon” in the wider context of European integration in the Western Balkans, no doubt behind Croatia, which was already readily awaiting the accession date,
but at the same time behind Montenegro and Serbia. Everything was reduced
to the Greek-Macedonian dispute, which actually answered the question that
Greece is far from the role of “exclusive brakeman” of the European integration
of its northern neighbor. In fact, transformation was a two-way street in the
case of the relationship between the European Union and North Macedonia.
While Skopje was facing an internal struggle between a civil (bi-national) and
a national (uni-national) state, an all-pervading political clash whose epilogue
was a completely captured institution, the European Union was faced with internal economic, financial, and then political and institutional challenges that
in some way influenced that Brussels is not ready to face the conflict on the
territory of Ukraine. This is precisely why we will seek answers to the questions: what are the causes of the “vacuum” in the relations between Skopje and
Brussels, what wrong steps can we attribute to Skopje and which to Brussels,
has European integration in the Western Balkans become only a theoretical
concept, with no practical possibility of realization and how what will the next
transformation of the European Union, on the one hand, and North Macedonia,
on the other, look like – after all the current challenges
Has God returned to Europe? The effect of different types of religiosity on European identity
A thesis still present in Western civilization, primarily in Europe, is the thesis
of secularization. Nevertheless, according to many studies, regardless of secularization processes, religion is an important factor in individual identities.
This paper examines the relationship between European identity and religiosity. The author used empirical data from the 2017 European Values Study to
demonstrate the predictability of different types of religiosity on primordial-type European identity at the individual level. Regarding religiosity, the author tested three categories of religiosity types and their individual effect. For
this purpose, multilevel modeling was used. The findings show that religiosity
is a strong predictor of primordial-type European identity among individuals
from across Europe. Significant differences exist between the predictability of
different types of religiosity, with belief in God and very rare praying being the
most significant
China’s Emancipatory Diplomacy for a Peaceful, Democratic, and Sustainable Global Community
This research explores the theoretical formation of the People’s Republic of China’s diplomacy. Despite efforts to relate its theorisation into communicable terms, the West considers them a thin veneer for the ruling Communist Party’s propaganda. China’s diplomatic actions are portrayed as manipulations of a power-greedy state for global might, ready to tear apart the existing arrangements and overtake the United States on the apex of world power. Although a “wolfwarrior” stream in diplomatic practice can sometimes run high, studying China’s theorisation of diplomacy reveals the ideational normativity of willpower for relationships of mutuality. Xi Jinping’s “Thought on Major Country Diplomacy”, formatively shaped in 2014, shows that China’s diplomacy emancipatory crux is frightening to those alarmed by the country’s might. We will test this proposition by conducting a contextual content analysis of relevant sources. The Chinese emancipatory diplomacy conceives the use of the state power for the joint sharing of life, time, and the planet. It is poised to lead to the principled and just consent of all states to achieving an inclusive, equitable, fair, democratic, and peaceful international order of balanced and just autonomous development and global governance through mutually ascertained multilateralism in a human community with a shared future
Serbian Development Path of FDIs: Navigating Between the EU and China
Foreign direct investments have been a crucial element of Serbian
economic development since 2001. Various domestic governments had positive
attitudes towards attracting FDI, which resulted in legal changes and favourable
business conditions to encourage the inflow of investment. As a result, Serbia has
become a leading destination for FDI in the Western Balkan region in recent years.
While EU countries were previously the largest investors in Serbia, China has
recently surpassed them. The main objective of the research was to analyse the
results, trends, perspectives, and risks associated with FDI from both the EU and
China in Serbia. Statistical data was primarily sourced from the National Bank of
Serbia, supplemented by the UNCTAD database. The origins of FDI are shifting, and
the long-term implications of this trend remain uncertain. EU investments are more
diversified than Chinese investments, reflecting the differences in their respective
investment histories. While the impact of FDI from the EU and China has been
positive, there are associated risks, including labour rights, environmental pollution,
sector-specific investments, and repatriation of profits. However, political risks
related to Serbia’s foreign partnerships have recently affected the results of FDI
inflows and changed the trajectory of Serbian economic development