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U.S. Concept of a “Rules-Based Order” and Its Discontents: Is There a Credible Alternative?
Get PDFRecently, there has been significant discourse in political and
academic circles surrounding the concept of a “rules-based order” (RBO) in
international relations, championed by the Obama and, especially, the Biden
U.S. administration. The primary issues revolve around the relationship
between this concept and international law, as well as the reactions of other
states to it. Various alternative stances towards this concept appear within and
outside the U.S.-led bloc of states, ranging from its acceptance in principle,
albeit with different interpretations attached, to vociferous resistance. The
authors delineate the fundamental assumptions of the U.S. concept of RBO,
linking it to its grand strategy of liberal hegemony (rooted in wilsonian
principles), the perceived imperatives of the current international political
landscape (including challenges to liberal democracy and a growing
confrontation with alleged anti-RBO powers), and a broader anglo-Saxon
legal tradition of the rule of law (in contrast to the continental European
Rechtsstaat). Then they evaluate the credibility of alternatives to the concept,
proposed by U.S.-allied Germany and australia, rival powers Russia and
China, and India as a “third force”. This assessment takes into account the
specific national interests and regional imperatives of these states, their
positions in the current international situation, and the distinct legal traditions
they adhere to. The credibility of international law and institutions is appraised
separately, considering the current international power and interest dynamics.
The authors conclude by advocating for a reform of international law based
on a mutual understanding of diverse national interests and legal traditions,
positing it as the optimal foundation for a genuine rules-based order
Od ograničenja slobode kretanja do lišenja slobode osoba u potrebi za međunarodnom zaštitom - usklađenost domaćeg prava sa standardima Evropskog suda za ljudska prava
No full textOsobe u potrebi za međunarodnom zaštitom se već nalaze u teškoj situaciji jer je njihov status neizvestan. Kada podnesu zahtev za utvrđivanje statusa, uobičajeno je da im sloboda kretanja bude ograničena, dok se o tom statusu ne odluči. Međutim uočava se problem jer takvo obično ograničenje njihovog kretanja u praksi može da preraste u lišenje slobode. Cilj rada je da se utvrdi kada i pod kojim okolnostima ograničenje slobode kretanja prerasta u lišenje slobode i da li se uzima u obzir težak položaj lica kojima je potrebna međunarodna zaštita, te da li je pravo Republike Srbije usaglašeno sa standardima Evropskog suda za ljudska prava o ovim pitanjima. Analiza ukazuje na zaključak da na osnovu norme domaćeg prava iz Zakona o azilu i privremenoj zaštiti koja se odnosi na ograničenje slobode kretanja tražilaca azila u praksi može nastati problem. Naime, iako naš zakonodavac zadržavanje stranaca i tražilaca azila u prihvatilištu za strance kvalifikuje kao obično ograničenje slobode kretanja, u suštini situacija u kojoj se oni na osnovu normi domaćeg prava mogu naći je svojstvena lišenju slobode, te su dati predlozi potrebnih promena na zakonodavnom nivou
Vojna neutralnost i nuklearno oružje : između posedovanja i zabrane : slučaj Evrope i opcije za Srbiju
No full textStrategijski dokumenti Republike Srbije – Strategija za borbu protiv
širenja oružja za masovno uništenje, Strategija nacionalne
bezbednosti i Strategija odbrane Republike Srbije – izražavaju jasno
opredeljenje Republike Srbije da ne poseduje i ne razvija oružje za
masovno uništenje i da aktivno učestvuje u sprečavanju njegovog
širenja. Takođe, u Strategiji nacionalne bezbednosti navodi se da
„proliferacija oružja za masovno uništenje, zajedno sa pratećim
sistemima, po svojim posledicama predstavlja potencijalno najveću
pretnju globalnoj i regionalnoj bezbednosti, pa zbog toga može biti
ozbiljna pretnja bezbednosti Republike Srbije.“ Opasnost da oružje
za masovno uništenje dođe u posed struktura nad kojima država nema
kontrolu, posebno terorističkih grupa i pojedinaca, predstavlja
posebnu pretnju bezbednosti. Srbija je takođe članica i drugih
međunarodnih instrumenata za zabranu širenja nuklearnog oružja i
primenjuje zaštitne mere Međunarodne agencije za atomsku energiju.
Srbija je izuzetno posvećena daljem važenju i primeni NPT-a i smatra
ga za okosnicu nuklearnog poretka danas. Kroz usvajanje postepenog
pristupa nuklearnom razoružanju, uz uzimanje u obzir i bezbednosnih
interesa država sa nuklearnim naoružanjem, i verujući da je dogovor
velikih sila ključan za održavanje strateške i globalne bezbednosti,
Srbija nije blagonaklono gledala na pokretanje procesa zabrane
nuklearnog naoružanja koji je kulminirao usvajanjem Ugovora o
zabrani. Želja da održi dobre odnose sa ključnim „stubovima“ svoje
spoljne politike, od kojih tri apsolutno odbacuju mogućnost
eliminacije nuklearnog oružja kroz Ugovor o zabrani, Srbiju stavlja
u poziciju posmatrača globalnih zbivanja na svetskoj sceni
bezbednosti i razoružanja. Onoj istoj sceni na kojoj je, kao što smo
videli, Jugoslavija imala zapaženu ulogu.
Samo bavljenje nuklearnim naoružanjem danas nije na listi
prioriteta srpske diplomatije, a i sama oblast neproliferacije,
kontrole naoružanja i razoružanja i u diplomatskim i u akademskim
krugovima kao da je zaboravljena. Pritisak javnosti u pravcu podrške
naporima ka nuklearnom razoružanju, pa i novim vidovima kontrole
i smanjenja konvencionalnog naoružanja, ne postoji, i jedino oko čega
se još ponekad koncentriše je smanjivanje količine malog oružja i
lakog naoružanja i rutinsko obavljanje aktivnosti u okviru
podregionalne kontrole naoružanja na Balkanu. Raspad evropske
strukture kontrole naoružanja, kao i bilateralnih sporazuma o
kontroli i smanjenju strateškog naoružanja između njegova dva najveća
posednika SAD-a i Rusije, kao da je dodatno uspavalo ovaj region po
pitanju inicijativa za razoružanjem. Ovo se svakako može pripisati
i tome što su nekada najveći zagovornici nuklearnog razoružanja na
Balkanu sada deo NATO-a, koja svoju strategiju odvraćanja i odbrane
koncentriše oko uloge nuklearnog oružja. Međutim, šta bi drugo bila
uloga vojno neutralne države kao što je Srbija do da se u ovakvom
militarizovanom okruženju istakne i promoviše kao zagovornik
mira, slobode od pretnji ratom i smanjenja mogućnosti da do njega dođe,
kroz mere jačanja poverenja i saradnje u kakve se može ubrajati i
kontrola naoružanja i razoružanje?
Upravo je ova monografija imala za cilj da kroz razmatranje odnosa
prema nuklearnom razoružanju i Ugovoru o zabrani nuklearnog oružja
sagleda dve različite pozicije vojno neutralnih država u Evropi i
utvrdi model vojne neutralnosti koji favorizuje zabranu nuklearnog
oružja. Primeri Švedske, koja je sada NATO članica, i Švajcarske,
koja još uvek nije potpisala Ugovor o zabrani iako je veliki promoter
nuklearnog razoružanja, ukazuju na slučajeve vojno neutralnih zemalja
koje su u svojim planovima bezbednosti i odbrane želele da uvrste i
nuklearno oružje i verovale u njegovu ulogu odvraćanja. S druge strane,
ukazuje se na slučajeve Austrije, Irske i Malte, tri vojno neutralne
zemlje Evropske unije koje su usvojile Ugovor o zabrani nuklearnog
oružja, stavljajući u prvi plan humanitarne aspekte upotrebe
nuklearnog oružja i verovanje da samo efektivna eliminacija ovog
oružja može pružiti garanciju da ono nikada neće biti upotrebljeno
ili detonirano.
U monografiji se pristupilo utvrđivanju karakteristika vojno
neutralnih država koje će favorizovati posedovanje, odnosno zabranu
nuklearnog oružja. Od varijabli koje su izdvojene kao potencijalno
odlučujuće su: poreklo vojne neutralnosti, odnos vojno neutralne
države prema SSSR-u i Nesvrstanima, odnos prema odvraćanju i
NATO-u i kapacitet oružanih snaga i vojne industrije, stav o
nuklearnoj energiji, prethodno posedovanje programa nuklearnog
naoružanja i stavovi o dasadašnjem tempu i uspehu procesa nuklearnog
razoružanja. Svaka analizirana država razmatrana je sa stanovišta
ovih varijabli. To me je dovelo do zaključka da je model vojne
neutralnosti koji favorizuje zabranu nuklearnog oružja onaj koji
uključuje ili je uključivao: jak antiimperijalistički i
antikolonijalni stav koji je nastao i usled okupacije ili kolonijalne
prošlosti koje su uključivale i ograničenja na razvoj odbrambenih
sposobnosti, kontakte sa istaknutim članovima NAM-a u prvim
godinama nezavisnosti i uzimanje u obzir stavova SSSR-a, negativan
stav prema budućem članstvu u NATO-u (ili snažnu podršku statusu
neutralnosti), negativan stav prema konceptu odvraćanja, negativan
odnos prema nuklearnoj energiji, odsustvo prethodnog posedovanja
programa nuklearnog naoružanja, slabija privrženost i ulaganja u
oružje i odbranu, što uključuje i odsustvo jake vojne industrije i
stavovi da je dosadašnji tempo nuklearnog razoružanja bio
neadekvatan i da je došlo vreme da konačno dođe do zabrane nuklearnog
oružja. Ovaj model je utvrđen na osnovu karakteristika koje imaju
Austrija, Irska i Malta kao države koje su prihvatile zabranu
nuklearnog oružja, ali i Sveta Stolica, San Marino i Lihtenštajn,
u odnosu na Švedsku koja je u vreme svog programa nuklearnog
naoružanja bila vojno neutralna, i Švajcarsku koja i danas poziva na
promišljanje zabrane nuklearnog naoružanja kako je to predviđeno
Ugovorom o zabrani, zbog pogoršane bezbednosne situacije u Evropi i
rata u Ukrajini.
U skladu sa navedenim karakteristikama, model vojne neutralnosti
Srbije ima više sličnosti sa švedsko-švajcarskim nego austrijsko-
irsko-malteškim modelom. Ona je deo podregionalne kontrole
naoružanja, ima političku tradiciju nesvrstanih, favorizuje
odvraćanje i naoružavanje kao instrument zaštite neutralnosti i
nezavisnosti, ima iskustva sa programom nuklearnog oružja dok je bila deo Jugoslavije i održava veoma uticajnu vojnu industriju. Pored toga,
NATO snage se nalaze na teritoriji Kosova i Metohije i u Bosni i
Hercegovini, što ovoj organizaciji daje snažan glas po pitanju
naoružanja. Ni Rusija ni Kina nisu daleko u istom stavu da zabrana
nuklearnog oružja nije pravo rešenje. S druge strane, od varijabli koje
sam razmatrala kao značajne za odluku o zabrani nuklearnog oružja,
Srbija i dalje održava moratorijum na nuklearnu energiju, iako uz
veliki pritisak i razmatranje napuštanja ove pozicije, uz moguću
izgradnju nuklearne eleketrane na svom tlu, uvođenja malih modularnih
reaktora ili podelu tereta i učešće u upravljanju nuklearnim
elektranama u Mađarskoj ili Bugarskoj. Takođe, i pored postojanja namere
da razvija nuklearno naoružanje Srbija ima snažno jugoslovensko
nasleđe po pitanju nesvrstanih i nuklearnog razoružanja, snažno
protivljenje mogućem članstvu u NATO-u i snažnu podršku statusu vojne
neutralnosti, kao i dalje jako antikolonijalno i antiimperijalističko
usmerenje koje je odražavala kroz Pokret nesvrstanih. Takođe, ona je i
kandidat za članstvo u EU gde sve tri vojno neutralne države usvajaju
Ugovor o zabrani.
Uz ova razmatranja, zaključak ove monografije i ujedno odgovor na
pitanje koje ona postavlja je – NE. Ugovor o zabrani nuklearnog oružja
nije logičan izbor za Srbiju, ali nije ni nemoguć ni neodbranjiv, ako
se ima u vidu odsustvo inicijativa ka razoružanju i kontroli
naoružanja za čiju promociju na svetskoj sceni Srbija može biti
odličan kandidat
Macroeconomic Stability of the BRICS and the Potential for Improving Foreign Trade Cooperation with Serbia
Get PDFThe aim of this research is to evaluate the macroeconomic stability
of the BRICS and to determine the potential of Serbia’s foreign
trade cooperation with its members. The macroeconomic analysis
is based on comparative statistical data for 2000-2022, showing
that the BRICS countries, compared to the G7, have higher
economic growth rates. However, the standard of living is almost
six times lower. On average, inflation and unemployment in the
BRICS are higher than in the G7. The BRICS have a twice lower
average public debt to GDP, while the external debt ratio to GDP
is six times lower than in the G7. Except for China, the BRICS
countries’ exports are dominated by resources and products of
low-tech processing and export of medium- and high-tech
products and capital-intensive products is low. With the exception
of China and Russia (with whom Serbia has concluded a Free Trade
Agreement), foreign trade with the other BRICS member countries
is insignificant, and Serbia has a trade deficit with them.
Determining the possibilities for improving trade exchange
requires a more detailed analysis of the complementarity of
economies and the liberalization of trade regimes. However,
geographical distance is the main obstacle
Efekti imerzivnih tehnologija na globalnu ekonomiju
No full textProširena (AR), virtuelna (VR) i mešovita stvarnost (MR) su vrste imerzivnih tehnologija koje stvaraju različita iskustva spajanjem fizičkog sveta sa digitalnim ili simuliranom stvarnošću. Ove tehnologije poslednjih godina u savremenom društvu sve više pronalaze svoju primenu u simuliranju širokog spektra aktivnosti u virtuelnom okruženju. Primenjuju se u poslovnoj, zdravstvenoj, edukativnoj, vojnoj, ali i u oblasti kulture i zabave. Sa stanovišta globalne ekonomije imerzivne tehnologije postaju relevantne na svetskom nivou, sve više se upotrebljavaju kao način učenja, obuke ili izvođenja u skoro svim oblastima i na taj način direktno doprinose globalnom razvoju.
Imerzivne tehnologije mogu stvoriti iluziju dodavanjem virtuelnog sadržaja u stvarni život, dok je svest korisnika da nije deo stvarnog okruženja svedena na minimum. U poslovnom kontekstu ove tehnologije mogu omogućiti jedinstvena i prijatna iskustva potrošačima, koji u okruženju izvan realnosti mogu komunicirati sa trgovcima, imati multi-senzornu interakciju sa brendovima, ili mogućnost da se direktno uključe u dizajn proizvoda. Ovakva iskustva imaju uticaj na angažovanje potrošača i na njihovu konačnu odluku o kupovini. Kompanije koje se odluče za implementiranje ovakvih tehnologija pozicioniraće se u umovima potrošača kao inovativne, što im može obezbediti konkurentsku prednost na tržištu i veće prihode. Međutim, uvođenje imerzivnih tehnologija nosi i određene rizike. Potrebno je precizno odrediti oblike tehnologije koje su prilagođene određenoj oblasti ili ciljnom tržištu i biti informisan o svim barijerama koje nose sa sobom, kao što je neophodnost nabavke dodatne opreme (haptičke rukavice ili slučalice u slučaju virtuelne stvarnosti). Imerzivne tehnologije su još uvek u razvoju, dodatni urđaji su skupi i prisutna je neizvesnost koliko će biti rasprostranjene i dostupne javnosti. Međutim, njihov pozitivni uticaj na globalnu ekonomiju je neosporan, a dostizanjem svog punog potencijala u bliskoj budućnosti ove tehnologije će postati neraskidivi deo modernog društva
Legally Defining the Role of Influencers in Social Media Advertising
Get PDFAs a result of buying the promoted goods or services, consumers are being
exposed to a rising amount of deceptive advertising content, which is very often
promoted by influencers in social media. Te quality or advantages of using these
products and/or services are frequently exaggerated in these advertising statements,
since today it has become very easy to manipulate images and videos with the help
of applications that are widely available on the Internet. Consumers, on the other
hand, are not always sure whether these are genuine personal recommendations or
commissioned advertisements.
Fortunately, aware of all the problems that such misleading advertising can
cause for consumers, there are many foreign government initiatives to regulate this area
legally. Legislation has recently been introduced in many countries (such as France,
United Kingdom, and Norway), to which influencers have an obligation to disclose
any connection to the business, products, or services that are being offered (and to
adequately indicate and mark paid advertisement). Also, these laws mandate that any
image in which the shape, size or skin of the body has been altered by retouching or
other modifcations, must contain an “edited” mark. If there is a violation, influencers
can face a fine or prison sentence of up to two years, or even a complete ban on their
business. This obligation is emphasized in numerous rules and laws in developed
countries as an effort to protect customers from unfair or deceptive activities when
purchasing and using goods and services. This is certainly a path that should be
followed by other countries, including the Republic of Serbia, in which, so far, little
attention has been paid to this problem
Students’ Attitudes on The Role of Artificial Intelligence (Ai) In Personalized Learning
Get PDFEducational institutions are increasingly incorporating new technologies into their classrooms, such as
artificial intelligence (AI), enabling more innovative teaching methods and learning experiences. Unlike traditional teaching
methods, where lecturers adapt their lectures to the needs of the average student, AI-powered educational platforms are
more dynamic and productive, as they can be adapted to the preferences, learning styles and pace of each student, enabling
personalized learning. The aim of this study is to gather information that will help educators, legislators, and AI developers
optimize AI’s role in education for increased student achievement by examining students’ attitudes toward the implementation
of AI in personalized learning. The findings of this study may have an immense effect on how AI is used in educational settings
in the future, because they may provide better understanding that would enable students to receive more individualized
instruction and autonomy while also increasing pedagogical opportunities and reducing an excessive amount of administrative
work for educators. 219 students of Megatrend University in Belgrade participated in the research (all three study levels), to
whom the questionnaire was sent by e-mail. The results indicate that students believe that: a) If the application of AI makes
learning personalized, the greater the possibility for students to identify their abilities and creativity; b) If lecturers apply the
most effective teaching methods using AI, they can significantly automate the monitoring of student progress; c) If innovative
and interesting learning opportunities are applied in classes, the greater the interactivity of students in the teaching process;
d) AI can examine past student performance to identify areas of difficulty and provide tailored assistance in those areas
Determinants of Bilateral Cooperation of Small States in Contemporary International Relations: From the Neorealist Perspective of Politics and Security – A Case Study: Serbia and North Macedonia
Get PDFBilateral relations of small states represent a very limited fi eld in academic
debates and research within the science of international relations. In fact,
there is a lack of research and relevant debates on what the determinants
and factors of bilateral relations are between small states and how much
those factors contribute to promoting it on one hand, while, on the other,
how much same factors condition that cooperation, and, fi nally, how
much small states independently determine and defi ne their bilateral
relations in their foreign policy activities. In this paper, using the example
of bilateral relations between Serbia and North Macedonia in the period
of the last ten years, the authors will try to answer the following main
research question: What is the basis of the bilateral cooperation between
Serbia and North Macedonia and what is its perspective? On those
grounds, they will also answer the following questions: To what extent
is this cooperation conditioned by internal political circumstances in
either country; to what extent is this cooperation determined by regional
circumstances; how much is it infl uenced by the so-called “major actors”
in international relations; and, fi nally, to what extent is it actually
a consequence of the sovereign decisions of the authorities in Belgrade and Skopje? With this methodological order of research questions, from
the general to the individual in the theoretical sense through the prism of
realists and structural realists, the authors will establish the perspective of
bilateral relations between small states within the framework of the actual
circumstances of international relations
EU and Chinese Interests at the Western Balkans Crossroads: Economic Challengers or Political and Security Competitors
Get PDFOver the past decade, the Western Balkans (WB) has increasingly
become a focal point for various global powers across multiple domains. Precisely,
a significant debate has emerged around the economic role of Chinese
investments in the WB region, ranging from radical perspectives claiming that the
economic interests of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are a precursor to the
Chinese political and security interference in the region to more pragmatic views
that suggest Chinese investments in the WB region will compete with and
challenge the role of the European Union (EU), particularly in the context of the
frozen EU integration process. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the last ten
years, using deduction to determine whether Chinese economic inflows in the
WB region could lead to greater influence in the political and security domains.
Additionally, based on this research and through the method of prediction, the
authors will provide potential answers regarding future Chinese foreign policy
steps and its role in the WB region. From a theoretical perspective, the paper
seeks to demonstrate that the implementation of political and security interests
of so-called global players, such as China, is not always rooted in economic
mechanisms and resources. From a practical perspective, the research aims to
explain whether China’s presence in the WB region accelerates or hinders the EU
integration path for WB actors—from the normative perspective
Nonverbal communication's usefulness in political campaigns
Get PDFIn a democracy, communication and politics are inextricably linked. The process by which politicians, the news
media, and the general public exchange information is known as political communication. The majority of
political communication specialists concur that nonverbal communication accounts for a significant portion of
the total communication. Political persuasion has been employed for a long time in political communication,
and politicians are aware that nonverbal communication plays a crucial part in winning over voters. Even while
speeches, debates, and policy stances are crucial components of a political campaign, a candidate's body
language, nonverbal clues, and overall appearance can have a significant impact on voter behaviour and public
opinion. Since nonverbal cues can support, dispute, or replace spoken words, they have an impact on verbal
communication. Given that deception relies heavily on nonverbal communication, which can be employed to
acquire cooperation or establish authority, it has an impact on other people. Body language and gestures can
reveal an individual's personality and the meaning behind their words, consequently, in politics, nonverbal
communication is quite important, and can be crucial for communicating confidence, strength, and empathy.
Politicians may be able to reveal their genuine emotions about a subject or event by their body language,
gestures, facial expressions, and eye contact. Therefore, it's critical to understand that even the smallest gesture
can affect how their audience views them as a speaker