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    1516 research outputs found

    Pravni okvir Srbije u sprečavanju proliferacije oružja za masovno uništenje

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    U kontekstu globalne zabrinutosti za bezbednost, savremene države preduzimaju brojne aktivnosti radi ublažavanja rizika povezanih sa širenjem oružja za masovno uništenje. U implementaciju ovih aktivnosti uključena je i Republika Srbija, koja u svojim pravnim i strateškim dokumentima prepoznaje značaj suprotstavljanju proliferaciji oružja za masovno uništenje. U ovom radu pružen je prikaz šireg istorijskog konteksta razvoja legislative u ovoj oblasti, kao i najznačajnijih međunarodnih instrumenata u vidu inicijativa, sporazuma i ugovora koje Srbija implementira. Istraživačka pitanja na koje ovaj rad nastoji da pronađe odgovor jesu: da li je Republika Srbija implementirala sve relevantne međunarodne dokumente za sprečavanja proliferacije oružja za masovno uništenje, uključujući međunarodne sporazume, konvencije i rezolucije? Kako postojeći pravni okvir odgovara na aktuelne regionalne i globalne bezbednosne izazove, i koje su snage i slabosti ovog okvira u kontekstu njegove implementacije? Predmet ovog rada predstavlja analiza postojećeg pravnog okvira Srbije u sprečavanju proliferacije oružja za masovno uništenje, kao i procena snaga i slabosti u suočavanju sa višestrukim izazovima koje ovaj vid oružja nameće. Na taj način pružena je sistematizacija znanja i ostvaren je dubinski uvid u pravne i regulatorne mere, međunarodnu saradnju, ali i tehnološki pejzaž koji utiče na širenje oružja za masovno uništenje. Posebna pažnja posvećena je ispitivanju bezbednosnih izazova, rizika i pretnji, kako regionalnih tako i globalnih, kako bi se identifikovale potencijalne oblasti delovanja u kojima bi postojeći pravni okvir Srbije mogao biti unapređen. Rad apostrofira značaj podizanja svesti javnosti i obrazovanja, kao i negovanja kulture odgovornosti i budnosti protiv širenja oružja za masovno uništenje

    Patterns of Bilateral Military Alliances Formation and Political Regimes in Central Europe, 1962–2003

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    This study examines the dynamics of political regimes as pivotal factors shaping bilateral military alliances (BMAs) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) to 2003. Using data from the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) and the Polity IV databases, the research investigates statistical correlations between the formation of military alliances, their typologies, and political regime-type dynamics. Research questions include exploring the key characteristics of BMAs, the political regime nature of dyads, correlations between alliance durability and democracy levels, and the impact of regime changes on alliance phases. A sample of 88 BMAs is analysed, exploring hypotheses on relationships such as alliance duration, political regime congruity, member asymmetry, treaty provisions, and changes pre- and post-Cuban crisis. Key findings indicate that less democratic dyads tended to sustain longer alliances, while the hypothesis on political regime congruity in military alliances received partial support. The study contributes to understanding how political regime dynamics influence alliance formation and longevity in a region historically shaped by the Cold War geopolitical dynamics

    Prošireno odvraćanje: pogled iz Irana

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    Prošireno odvraćanje je deo strategije usmerene ka odbijanju rivala ili neprijatelja od vojnog delovanja protiv saveznika, ali i zemlje koja organizuje samo odvraćanje. Iran, regionalna sila je izgradio partberstvo sa više bliskoistočnih aktera i diplomatsko savezništvo sa više izvanregionalnih država, posebno sa Rusijom i Kinom. Stoga iransko, uslovno rečeno, prošireno odvraćanje Irana prema SAD i Izraelu deluje regionalno i globalno i ima diplomatsku i vojnu dimenziju. Koncept proširenog odvraćanja u slučaju Irana ne funkcioniše, jer ta država primenjuje makro odvraćanje. To je strategija upotrebe više državnih i nedržavnih aktera, vojnih i diplomatskih napora kako bi se pretnja neposredne vojne agresije udaljila i raširio front otpora pretnjama. KOmbinacija ovog koncepta i strateškog strpljenja doprinela je odlaganju napada na Iran, ali i na saveznike. Autor je prikazao kako se iransko strateško proišljanje prilagodilo na osnovu istorijskog iskustva, konteksta i ideologije Islamske revolucije. Otuda su defanzivni pristup i asimetrično hibridno ratovanje, osobenosti iranskog pristupa neprijateljima i rivalima

    Uloga BRIKS u uspostavljanju ravnoteže snaga u međunarodnim odnosima

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    Na samitu u Johanesburgu u avgustu 2023. godine članice BRIKS-a donele su odluku o širenju, te je poziv za punopravno članstvo poslat na adrese još šest potencijalnih članica. Godinu dana pre toga, postignut je dogovor o uspostavljanju rezervne korpe valuta što je prvi korak u stvaranju međunarodne rezervne valute. Očigledan cilj je da se stvaraju alternativne finansijske institucije nasuprot MMF, SB i STO i da se dedolarizacijom globalne ekonomije smanji politički uticaj SAD i kolektivnog Zapada. U ovom radu dokazuje se teza kako je BRIKS i nastao zbog uspostavljanja ravnoteže snaga u međunarodnim odnosima. Odnosno, da su odluke koje se donose motivisane političkim razlozima zbog kojih je osnovana ova platforma. Dakle, ne uspostavlja se ravnoteža snaga zbog dedolarizacije, već se dedolarizacija ciljano indukuje kako bi se ostvarila ravnoteža snaga u međunarodnim odnosima. Ili, ne širi se BRIKS zbog toga što se menja ravnoteža snaga, nego se upravo širenjem BRIKS ubrzava uspostavljanje novog balansa u međunarodnim odnosima. Na intenziviranje integracija unutar BRIKS-a, kao i strateških projekata BRIKS-a, poput osnivanja Nove razvojne banke i najave dedolarizacije, uticala su dva važna događaja u poslednjih deceniju i po: Arapsko proleće i eskalacija Ukrajinske krize. Promene u međunarodnim odnosima i bezbednosnom okruženju naterale su BRIKS da ubrza sa razradom konkretnih projekata i njihovom primenom. Usled toga se i uspostavljanje ravnoteže snaga odvija brže nego što je ranije predviđano

    The Republic of Srpska after the war in Ukraine: Between guaranteed rights, disappearance and independence

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    The article identifies and analyses three main determinants that affect the position of the Republic of Srpska (RS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) before and after the beginning of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 to determine the conflictual potential of this position and possible outcomes. The main hypothesis is that, with the ongoing processes of EU and NATO integration, Kosovo’s unilateral independence, and the rise of global conflicts and polarization, relations in the BH became more unstable and radicalised. The possible outcomes that the authors consider are the preservation of the Dayton position of the RS in the BH, the disappearance of the RS as a separate entity in the BH, and, the independence of RS as a form of self-determination and a way to protect the sovereign rights of Serbs. The authors employed content and discourse analysis methods and a comparison of three determinants before and after February 2022. They conclude that, since the war in Ukraine, the position of RS is pushed toward “radical outcomes” – disappearance or independence - in the action-reaction mode, which are at the same time the most conflictual outcomes, and less toward the most desired one – the preservation of Dayton Agreement and guaranteed rights based on consociative democracy

    Teorije evropskih integracija nekad i sad

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    Cybercrime as an essential impediment to international trade

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    Cybercriminal behavior is a reflection of the many risks that came along with the introduction of new technology, which among other things greatly improved human lives and encouraged international trade and collaboration. Cybercrime encompasses a broad spectrum of illegal activities when computers and information technologies are utilized as the principal instrument or as the major object of interest. Due to the constant adaptations that cybercriminals make to existing security protocols and online behavior, the threat of cybercrime is only expected to increase. For users of digital platforms, they have the potential to inflict serious financial and emotional harm. Since the parties involved are typically located in different countries, investigating cyber fraud incidents is typically difficult without collaborating across borders. Many e-commerce businesses have been forced by this circumstance to focus on improving cyber security in order to protect both their business operations and the safety of their customers. Inadequate security measures can be costly and destroy customers' and businesses' trust when conducting online transactions. In this sense, inaction can harm an organization's reputation in the long run. Cybercrime's influence on domestic and global economies is calculated in a variety of methods, but all lead to the same conclusion: online crimes constitute a severe threat to international trade

    Pitanje predsedavanja Organizacijom za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju — izazovi i perspektive

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    Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS), kao panevropska međunarodna organizaciju, ima razgranatu organizacionu strukturu. Na njenom čelu nalazi se ministar spoljnih poslova države koja predsedava OEBS-om na godišnjem nivou. On predstavlja OEBS u saradnji sa generalnim sekretarom organizacije. Takođe, on predsedava Samitima, Ministarskim savetom, Stalnim savetom i drugim podređenim telima OEBS-a i vrši koordinaciju i konsultacije radi realizacije aktivnosti organizacije. Drugim rečima, predsedavajući upravlja donošenjem odluka OEBS-a. U 2023. godini došlo je do presedana budući da nije izabran predsedavajući za 2024. godinu. To je, zajedno sa drugim faktorima poput rata u Ukrajini i na Bliskom istoku, uticalo na pojedine autore da predvide kraj ovoj organizaciji. U radu se bliže razmatra ovaj problem sa kojim se OEBS trenutno suočava. Istovremeno se daju i predikcije o mogućim izazovima i perspektivama sa kojima će se ova organizacija suočiti u budućnosti. Takođe se iznosi i osvrt o njenoj istorijskoj transformaciji od KEBS-a do OEBS-a. Na kraju se zaključuje da trenutna politička kriza OEBS-a ne utiče na njegov opstanak kao regionalne međunarodne organizacije, čije se delovanje izvesno nastavlja kroz reafirmaciju njegove prvobitne uloge – svojevrsnog foruma za dijalog i konsultacije

    Improving Serbia's copper exports: Key challenges and solutions

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    In recent years, Serbia's copper industry has faced significant challenges related to its export structure. This analysis reveals two key issues: a shortage of skilled labour and inadequate processing capacity, both exacerbated by intensified exploitation under new ownership. Given the limited time frame before the copper mines are fully depleted, these challenges cannot be completely resolved. Thus, this research seeks to identify practical solutions to enhance the copper export structure within these constraints. By employing the Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) index and analysing export shares, the study identifies three copper product groups with the highest potential for export growth: 1) refined copper, 2) copper plates and sheets and 3) copper pipes. Redirecting limited processing capacities and human resources toward the production of these products would create a more favourable balance between raw ore and processed copper exports. This strategic focus is expected to yield higher profits while optimizing the use of capacities in related industries, given the significantly higher value-added nature of these products compared to raw ore

    Competing Visions of World Order: How China, the US, the EU and Russia Conceive the Transition to Multipolarity

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    Prior and in the wake of the conflict in Ukraine, the United States, the Russian Federation, the European Union and the People’s Republic of China launched a series of strategic documents, revealing their conceptions of the current and future world order. while these documents differ in form, they are based on common understanding that the western-led “rules-based order” (RBO) is undergoing a transition towards multipolarity. For the U.S. and the EU, the logical objective is to keep as much of the RBO intact as possible, and to absorb the changing international context to their advantage. China and Russia, on the other hand, are pursuing visions of change of world order – political, military, economic, ideological, cultural and normative – which would go beyond cosmetic changes reminiscent of a status quo. This paper aims to present and analyse these differing visions of world order and their perspectives in the transitioning of global political trends, as all the major powers promote strategic narratives in line with strategic documents. authors contrast the competing visions of world order and discuss how they relate to the realities of each power’s statecraft capabilities

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