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Razvoj misija Ujedinjenih nacija u očuvanju međunarodnog mira i bezbednosti
Get PDFU radu se raspravlja o razvoju misija Ujedinjenih nacija u očuvanju međunarodnog
mira i bezbednosti. Njihovo značenje pretpostavlja pravilnu interpretaciju Povelje
Ujedinjenih nacija, te poznavanje kontinuiteta delovanja ove univerzalne međunarodne
organizacije. Iako Povelja Ujedinjenih nacija nigde izričito ne pominje mirovne misije,
sasvim je sigurno da one predstavljaju jednu od najvažnijih aktivnosti Ujedinjenih
nacija u očuvanju međunarodnog mira i bezbednosti. Sveobuhvatna ocena dosadašnjih
učinaka mirovnih misija obuhvata analizu šireg spektra pitanja počev od pitanja
razloga njihovog nastanka i razvoja, njihove uloge i ciljeva, pa sve do pitanja njihove
međunarodne pravne osnove, te pitanja vezanih za status i imunitete pripadnika ovih
misija u sprovođenju zadatih ciljeva i zadataka. Odgovori na pomenuta pitanja nisu
mogući bez pravilne interpretacije ciljeva i principa Ujedinjenih nacija i dobrog
poznavanja međunarodnopravne doktrine koja pruža naučnu sintezu promenjive prirode
međunarodnih pravnih odnosa. To je od posebnog značaja u slučaju izbijanja oružanih
sukoba u svetu kada dolazi do aktiviranja sistema kolektivne bezbednosti u kojem misije
Ujedinjenih nacija igraju značaju ulogu u postizanja mirovnih rešenja kroz očuvanje,
nametanje ili izgradnju međunarodnog mira
International Legal Regulation and Prosecution of Crimes of Aggression
Get PDFThe value of this work for science derives from the historical and comparative legal analysis of the most important international legal acts that determine the meaning of one of the “core crimes” in international and international criminal law. At the Versailles Peace Conference, and then within the League of Nations and at regional conferences devoted to key political issues, attempts were made to legally regulate aggression and to prohibit the waging of an aggressive war. Although these attempts led to limited legal sanctioning of aggressive war, all these attempts “more or less” failed. The cause was the reactionary policy of the great powers that undermined the collective security system established by the League of Nations. All of this resulted in the complete collapse of the system of international relations and the outbreak of the Second World War. The execution of numerous acts of aggression during the Second World War postponed the issue of international legal regulation of aggression for the post-war period. However, the Second World War was a demonstrative example of how interna-tional relations should not develop. The main assumption for that thesis was the protection of inter-national peace and security, which could not go separately without establishing a prohibition on the use of force in international relations. Under the auspices of the United Nations, that prohibition was generally established in its Charter, which was the first step towards realizing the idea of the need for international legal regulation of acts of aggression. International legal acts and resolutions adopted by the United Nations on this matter in the previous period, therefore, have great value for international law. In this sense, the subject analysis indicates that aggression is beyond any doubt one of the “core crimes” that threatens the vital values of states, from sovereignty and territorial integrity to political independence. It causes serious and dangerous consequences for world peace and security, which is why it is contrary to general international law contained in the UN Charter. Unlike the international legal definition of aggression, which concerns determining the responsibility of states for violating ius ad bellum, the international criminal law definition of aggression adopted by the ICC refers to deter-mining the legal responsibility of individuals who are in an effective position to control or direct the political and military actions of the aggressor state. In this sense, this paper has original value because it points to the insufficiently specified delimitation of the functional powers of the Security Council on the one hand and the jurisdiction of the ICC to judge in each individual case the individuals respon-sible for the crime of aggression on the other hand. At the same time, when there is a well-founded suspicion that aggression against the state has been committed, its objective and subjective (material and mental) elements, as a rule, are determined by the ICC, and the political background and legal qualification in terms of the provisions of the Charter are determined by the Security Council, adher-ing to its functional powers prescribed in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, which refers to the maintenance of international peace and security. But, for the sake of truth, it should also be men-tioned that the Security Council, as the supreme executive and political body of the United Nations, in its long-term practice did not demonstrate its functional powers in a legally consistent manner, which left room for various voluntaristic interpretations (Gaja, 2002: 124, etc.). In such a situation, defining the conditions for criminal prosecution for the crime of aggression requires delicate work on more precisely harmonizing the competences and methods of action of the Security Council and the ICC (Trahan, 2019: 471–483). This is primarily because, in light of the complexity of modern warfare and the involvement of non-state actors in armed conflicts, the limited nature of responsibility for the crime of aggression requires finding an appropriate balance between the goals of advancing in-ternational criminal justice and protecting peace in the world. (Boas, 2013; Graziani & Mei, 2017: 57; Liakopoulos, 2020: 153)
New Balance of Power in the International Relations and the Role of China
Get PDFAmidst the Myriad debates surrounding the structure of the
international system of relations, a novel issue emerges: whether China’s
profound growth warrants recognition as a transformative variable
influencing the organization of the system. Through an examination of
states’ economic, political, and military capacities, it becomes evident that
a multipolar order is emerging. Over the past three decades, China’s
remarkable economic growth has contributed significantly to rebalancing
global economic power dynamics. In safeguarding its economic interests,
China strategically augmented its military capabilities and spearheaded a
plethora of political initiatives to foster diverse multilateral frameworks.
Consequently, as the world’s second-largest economy and third most
potent military force, China has solidified its stature as an indispensable
actor on the international stage. However, the persistent augmentation of
China’s economic, military, and political influence has stirred
apprehensions within the United States, which, in its 2022 Defense Strategy,
categorizes China as a “primary competitor“ while declining to
acknowledge its equal status. Consequently, China’s contemporary role in
international relations can be construed as catalyzing the establishment of
a balanced power framework. Present and forthcoming Chinese endeavors
aim to foster a multipolar order wherein China assumes the mantle of a
major power and a pivotal participant in global affairs
Duša na rubu : misterija zvana homo destructor
No full textDa li je čovek od postanka najdestruktivnije biće ili su lovci-skuplači bili daleko plemenitiji? Strah od smrti snažno progoni modernog čoveka, sebičnog, obezboženog i zaposednutog materijalnim dobrima. Iz straha on uzima više nego što mu je potrebno da preživi, ostavljajući braću i sestre na margini opstanka. Zašto je ubio Boga, a zašto je sposoban da ubije čak i sebe u činu besciljnog samoubistva? Kako je čovekova duša dospela na rub materijalističke provalije koja guta sve pred sobom? Knjiga "Duša na rubu - misterija zvana homo destructor" vodi vas od samih početaka univerzuma, preko prvih zajednica, poljoprivredne revolucije, robovlasništva, feudalizma i kolonijalizma, sve do grozomorne budućnosti veštačke inteligencije i genetskih manipulacija
Obrnuta Tukididova zamka: struktura i proces rivalstva SAD i Kine
Get PDFSve oštrije rivalstvo SAD i Kine postaje glavni element savremenih
međunarodnih odnosa, a hoće li među dvema svetskim silama doći do rata – pitanje
je svih pitanja. Američki politikolog Grejem Elison (Graham T. Allison) formulisao je i
na američko-kinesko rivalstvo primenio koncept Tukididove zamke – strukturnog
stresa prouzrokovanog pretnjom„rastuće“ sile da smeni „vladajuću“, koji u najvećem
broju istorijskih slučajeva rezultira ratom.Osnovnu slabost Elisonovog koncepta autor
vidi u neorealističkom favorizovanju strukturnog činioca promene u raspodeli moći
među akterima, nauštrb procesnog činioca njihove revizionističke ili status quo
orijentacije, pri čemu Elison neutemeljeno pretpostavlja status quo orijentaciju
„vladajuće“ sile. Polazeći od neoklasičnog realizma autor koriguje koncept Tukididove
zamke, ukazujući na to da je revizionizamjednog ili oba rivala „uhvaćenih“ u nju činilac
koji odlučujuće doprinosi izbijanju rata, pri čemu kao naročito opasan oblik
revizionizma izdvaja hegemonizam. Slučaj kada „vladajuća“ sila posegne za
hegemonizmom autor naziva obrnutom Tukididovom zamkom. Osnovna teza ovog
rada je da je između SAD i Kine danas na delu obrnuta Tukididova zamka, usled
nastojanja SAD da nametnu hegemoniju Kini i ostatku međunarodnog sistema.
Reinterpretacijom Elisonovih studija istorijskih slučajeva Tukididove zamke pomoću
neoklasičnog realizma, i uz uvođenje pojma obrnute Tukididove zamke, autor
formuliše i nove preporuke za sprečavanje američko-kineskog sukoba u budućnosti
North Macedonia Security Threats in the Third Decade of XXI Century: Institutional and Political Framework as a Key Determinant of Instability
Get PDFNorth Macedonia in the post-Yugoslav frame was the only republic that has declared independence without any military clashes, as a consequence of the independence declaration. Such
circumstances has, on the European level, promoted this state as a so-called oases of peace in the
Balkans, bearing in mind the war challenges in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and on
the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. North Macedonia, on contrary, has faced with armed clashes
on its territory at the beginning of the XXI century. It was clashes in the northern and western parts of
the state between Macedonian security forces and self-declared Albanian armed groups. The realistic
purpose, from the side of Albanian paramilitary groups, for the armed attacks against military and
police forces of North Macedonia was never confirmed, bearing in mind just finished war on Kosovo
and Metohija territory, but also the position of Macedonian Albanians, as a dominant ethnic minority which, in that moment has had active role in political and social life within that state. There are
many studies and researches that have different positions, stating that the goal of the armed attacks
by Albanian armed groups was separation of Macedonian territory for the purpose of creating Great
Albanian state, while, from the other side, including the official version of the leaders of that paramilitary groups, was the position that human rights for Albanian society in North Macedonia was the
purpose of the battles. But, in this paper our goal is not to find out the purpose of the armed clashes
in North Macedonia during the 2001, but to determine what are the main security risks and threats for
North Macedonia, whether and to what extend ongoing challenges and threats are ethnically motivated, how much relations between Macedonians and Albanians within North Macedonia are misused
as a political instrument and, as a essential question - what is the key determinator of the stability of
North Macedonia in the upcoming period. Methodological concretization will be used as an analytical tool in the process of triple analyses, on the political, social and ethnic level, which should lead us
to the answers. Triple analyses will be used as an empirical tool, while, from the stands of structural
realists, we will try to find out the answer about the security issues which are facing small states in
international relations, respectively whether they are exporters of instability, do they have capacities
to lead sovereign security policy and what are key determinants of their security mosaic. The ultimate, essential goal of the research would be to show up that North Macedonia does not have ethnic
security challenges and threats, that its security mosaic essentially is not endangered from “imported”
threats and, finally, that its stability and sustainability depends on internal threats which have raised
as a consequence of challenges within the institutional and political framework
Odgovor Vijetnama na uspon Kine: razvoj odnosa sa SAD-om kao uravnotežavanje pretnje
No full textRast rivaliteta Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Narodne
Republike Kine stavlja države Jugoistočne Azije u položaj da svoju
spoljnu politiku moraju pažljivo prilagođavati fluktuirajućim
međunarodnopolitičkim okolnostima kako bi ostvarile svoje interese.
Vijetnam, kao jedna od najznačajnijih država regiona, je usled
specifičnih geopolitičkih i istorijskih karakteristika, tokom
poslednje decenije, pažljivo usmeravao svoj spoljnopolitički kurs. Iako
je u pitanju država u kojoj je na vlasti komunistički režim, i uprkos
nasleđu Vijetnamskog rata, Hanoj se u domenu političke saradnje,
bezbednosnih pitanja, ali i ekonomskih veza sve više približava
Vašingtonu, pokušavajući na taj način da uravnoteži pretnju koju vidi
u sve asertivnijoj politici Pekinga i kineskom usponu. Koristeći
teoriju uravnotežavanja pretnje Stivena Volta, članak će objasniti kako
širenje kineskog uticaja u regionu, praćeno sve većom ekonomskom
zavisnošću od ove države, uz sporove oko teritorijalnih voda u Južnom
kineskom moru, čine Vijetnam sve sklonijim da sarađuje sa SAD-om, što
je kulminiralo potpisivanjem sveobuhvatnog strateškog partnerstva
između Vašingtona i Hanoja u septembru 2023
The Concept of Deterrence in Current Relations in the Middle East
Get PDFDeterrence has long been present in international politics, but it became particularly significant during the Cold War due to its role in great power relations. In contemporary relations, it is necessary to adapt old narratives to reflect new and complex realities, as the challenges posed by the modern world complicate the formulation of deterrence strategies. Nevertheless, the goal of deterrence remains to convince the opponent, through various means and methods, that the costs of taking action far outweigh the potential benefits it could achieve. The authors analyse the concept of deterrence using multiple theories in the domain of theoretical considerations, among other things, and its application in the current relations in the Middle East. After discussing the general theoretical viewpoints, the concept of deterrence is analysed further through the case of Israel and Iran and the relationship between the United States and the Houthis, a non-state actor, to elucidate its specifics. Besides historical circumstances, the analysis also examines current events to understand how the most significant actors have applied the concept of deterrence. Recent events between Iran and Israel, particularly in the political and military context, confirm the relevance of the deterrence concept in international relations
(Ne)uspeh Nemačke u sprovođenju američke strategije proširenog odvraćanja Rusije
No full textRazmatrajući odnos Nemačke i SAD kroz Lejkovu (Lake)
teoriju međunarodnih hijerarhija, uočava se da se on u oblasti
bezbednosti nalazi na samom hijerarhijskom kraju, u kojem se
Nemačka nalazi u subordiniranom položaju. U osnovi tog odnosa je
„razmena”: bezbednost za suverenost, što znači da Nemačka brigu o
svojoj bezbednosti prepušta SAD, ali za obavezu ima usklađivanje
svoje bezbednosne politike sa američkom politikom, čime gubi
deo suverenosti. Sa početkom rusko-ukrajinskog rata 2022. godine
SAD su se opredelile za strategiju proširenog odvraćanja Rusije,
a Nemačka je, kako nalaže ovaj hijerarhijski odnos, uskladila svoju
odbrambenu politiku sa američkom i prihvatila svoju ulogu u
američkoj strategiji proširenog odvraćanja. Iako od početka
ruskog-ukrajinskog rata Nemačka igra bitnu ulogu u američkom
proširenom odvraćanju Rusije, postavlja se pitanje da li je u
slučaju Nemačke primena ove strategija uspešna? Da bi se jedna
strategija smatrala uspešnom ona mora da bude i efikasna i
efektivna. Osnovna hipoteza je da kako vreme prolazi i rat odmiče,
Nemačka primena strategija proširenog odvraćanja se ispoljava
i kao neefikasna i neefektivna strategija. U cilju odgovora na
centralno istraživačkog pitanja rad je podeljen na tri poglavlja.
U prvom se analizira odnos Nemačke i SAD kroz Lejkovu teoriju međunarodnih hijerarhija, sa naglaskom na to šta taj odnos znači
za Nemačku. U drugom se razmatra zašto je Nemačka na početku
rusko-ukrajinskog verovala u uspešnost strategije proširenog
odvraćanja Rusije i kako su SAD doprinele tome. I na kraju, treće
poglavlje se odnosi na analiziranje efektivnosti i efikasnosti
Nemačke primene strategije proširenog odvraćanja
Digitalni samit Zapadnog Balkana: ka delotvornom upravljanju procesom digitalizacije u regionu
No full textDigitalna transformacija je proces globalnog domašaja
koji neće izuzeti nijedan deo sveta. Uprkos tome, ona ne zahvata sve
krajeve istovremeno i sa istim intenzitetom, što za posledicu
ima digitalni jaz. Jedan od načina na koji region Zapadnog
Balkana nastoji da smanji svoj zaostatak za globalnim tokovima
digitalizacije jeste regionalni dijalog realizovan u okviru
multilateralnog procesa Digitalnog samita. Predmet ovog rada je
Digitalni samit Zapadnog Balkana i njegova uloga u delotvornom
upravljanju procesom digitalizacije. Istraživanje nastoji da
doprinese postojećoj literaturi iz uže naučne oblasti diplomatskih
studija, kao i digitalne diplomatije. Osnovni naučni ciljevi obuhvataju deskripciju društveno-političkih promena izazvanih
digitalnom revolucijom, te klasifikaciju i tiplogizaciju ove vrste
samita. Na temelju ovih ciljeva, nastoji se naučno objasniti uloga
multilateralnog procesa Digitalnog samita Zapadnog Balkana u
delotvornom upravljanju procesom digitalizacije u regionu. S druge
strane, društveni cilj je aktuelizacija ove teme i približavanje
zainteresovanoj javnosti uloge Berlinskog procesa i Evropske unije
u digitalnoj transformaciji regiona. Teorijski okvir istraživanja
baziran je na konceptu samit diplomatije, u kombinaciji sa
Hokingovim pristupom diplomatije više zainteresovanih strana sa
ciljem naglaska na evoluciju samita koja odražava transformaciju
diplomatskog sistema u kome se odvijaju, dok će se empirijski
deo baviti poređenjem svih šest održanih digitalnih samita.
Zaključuje se da Digitalni samit Zapadnog Balkana jeste doprineo
delotvornijem upravljanju procesom digitalizacije u regionu, i
da kao takav predstavlja primer dobre prakse regionalne saradnje
u globalnim pitanjima