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Fully Western Balkans integration as a precondition for NATO’s effective role in the region
Get PDFWestern Balkans region is a well-known politically constructed term within Brussels administration which implies political entities in the post-Yugoslav space, minus Croatia
and Slovenia, plus Albania. Western Balkans region includes Belgrade, Skopje, Sarajevo,
Podgorica, Tirana and Pristine. In the context of NATO, Skopje, Tirana, and Podgorica are
already full members of this organization, while at the same time, Sarajevo and Pristina are
tending to become members, and Belgrade has declared politics of military neutrality in the
context of any potential membership in international or regional military and defense organization. The main thesis of this paper is that NATO is still incapable of establishing pervasive
defense and security infrastructure within the region because of the partial integration from
the perspective of ongoing challenges, risks, and threats, including those in cyberspace, as
well as those, formulated as soft threats like imported malign influences, fake news, and
institutional crisis. Further, the Western Balkan’s comprehensive NATO integration will justify the NATO contributions in the region from a strategic perspective. Research questions
would be: To what extend political disputes determine the comprehensive Western Balkans
integration to NATO? What will happen, from the mid-term perspective, if further NATO
integration of the region will miss? From theoretical point of view, contribution of the paper
would be in the understanding the geostrategic concept on the case study of Western Balkans
integration in NATO, respectively how much the geography, even in the modern, digital and
cyber era, determines security and defense flows
World War II and the Establishment of World Order: How International Relations Were Shaped from 1945–2025
Get PDFThe Second World War is one of the most important events in recent
history. From the point of view of shaping contemporary international
relations, it is actually the most important event. Today’s world political
system was established in 1945, and despite the fact that the international order
has changed twice in these eight decades, the system has survived. Among
other things, this has happened due to the maintenance of the rules of
functioning for eighty years. This paper explains the difference between the
world political system and the international order. For the creation of the
system, 1945 is taken as the reference year, while in addition to 1945, 1989 and
2008 can also be taken as reference years for the creation of different orders,
which denote the transformations from bipolar to unipolar or from unipolar
to multipolar. What connects 1945 and 2025 is the continuity of a global
political system, which continues to endure despite all the challenges that have
arisen over time. After the election and inauguration of Donald Trump and
his first decisions, and given the importance of the place and role of the USA
in international relations, the question of changing the principles and rules on
which the system is founded is open. Although it is too early to draw any
serious conclusions about the possible consequences of Trump’s decisions,
from a theoretical point of view, due to what is currently happening, 2025
could become another reference year in the study of international relations
Jugoslavija i Kiparska kriza 1974. godine : od puča grčkih oficira 15. jula do sredine avgusta
Get PDFRad se bavi ulogom Jugoslavije u Kiparskoj krizi od 15. jula do sredine avgusta 1974. godine. Delimična obrada ove teme stvara potrebu za detaljnijim ispitivanjem, koje svakako ne može stati u okvire naučnog članka. Na osnovu neobjavljenih izvora iz Arhiva Jugoslavije, objavljenih dokumenata, dostupne domaće i strane literature, cilj nam je da predstavimo ključne događaje i elemente problema. Beograd je loše primio vest o puču grčkih oficira 15. jula protiv režima kiparskog predsednika Makariosa, jer se radilo o mediteranskoj i nesvrstanoj državi. Ovaj napad i dve turske intervencije (20. jula i 14. avgusta) uzrokovale su promenu politike Jugoslavije ka Grčkoj i Turskoj, kao i odluku Beograda da posreduje u sukobu
Prekretnice nuklearnog poretka i mogućnosti upotrebe nuklearnog oružja u kontekstu rata u Ukrajini
No full textPredmet rada je istraživanje mogućnosti upotrebe
nuklearnog oružja u kontekstu rata u Ukrajini i faktora –
„prekretnica” – koje takvu mogućnost olakšavaju i proširuju. Autorka tvrdi da je mogućnost upotrebe nuklearnog oružja u porastu
imajući u vidu nekoliko ključnih prekretnica koje označavaju
slabljenje nuklearnog poretka uspostavljenog nakon Hladnog rata,
a to su: raspad režima kontrole nuklearnog naoružanja usled poremećaja ravnoteže snaga i širenja NATO-a do granica Rusije,
intenzivna modernizacija nuklearnih snaga svih država sa nuklearnim naoružanjem i promene njihovih nuklearnih doktrina
radi jačanja odvraćanja, uključivanje trećih aktera sa nuklearnim naoružanjem u sukob koji takođe mogu biti skloni razmatranju
nuklearne opcije, sve izglednija obnova nuklearnog testiranja i
nuklearne pretnje i širenje nuklearnog deljenja. Kroz upotrebu
analize sadržaja i komparativnu metodu autorka razmatra procese modernizacije strateških snaga SAD i Rusije, kao i doktrine
upotrebe ovih snaga, da bi, na kraju, razmotrila kontroverze i mogućnosti upotrebe nuklearnog oružja u kontekstu rata u Ukrajini.
Zaključak rada ukazuje na postojanje osnovanog straha od moguće
upotrebe nuklearnog oružja imajući u vidu značaj ishoda ovog sukoba za čitav međunarodni poredak i same aktere uključene u sukob
koji je egzistencijalne prirode
Albania in the Western Balkans: Toward an Enhanced Regional Role
Get PDFSeeking to answer how Albania, as a small state in the international system, politically benefits from its geographic position, this paper examines the development of its foreign policy in the Western Balkans over the past decade. The main argument of the paper posits that Albania, leveraging its geographic position, has demonstrated a commitment to strengthening political stability in the Western Balkans, thereby enhancing its role in managing regional dynamics. Albania’s contributions to fostering stability in the Western Balkans have been realized through a proactive bilateral and multilateral foreign policy approach, made possible by its alignment with Euro-Atlantic regional priorities and emphasizing the absence of outstanding issues in bilateral relations with regional neighbours. Albania’s enhanced role in the Western Balkans has primarily stemmed from constructive efforts in broader concerns affecting the Albanian population. Additionally, this role has arisen from initiating and promoting declarative local frameworks within regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, while maintaining commitment to initiatives that enjoyed comprehensive EuroAtlantic support
Ekonomska dimenzija održivog razvoja
Get PDFSagledavanje ekonomskih okolnosti 21. veka i mogućnosti koje postoje za razvoj, ali i posledica koje su svet ozbiljno uzdrmale nakon različitih kriza sa kojima smo se susreli, dovelo je do sumnje ideju o daljim mogućnostima koji se mogu postići linearnim modelom ekonomskog razvoja. Upravo se sve češće nameću novi modeli ekonomske organizacije koji bi obezbedili neophodna dobra i usluge za održavanje i poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi, ali uz očuvanje životne sredine i ograničene upotrebe resursa. Sve to podrazumeva efikasno upravljanje resursima, podsticanje inovacija i stvaranje inkluzivne i stabilne ekonomije koja zadovoljava potrebe sadašnjih i budućih generacija, jer bez toga, dugoročno gledano, ekonomski rast neće biti održiv. Monografija Ekonomska dimenzija održivog razvoja predstavlja temeljan istraživački pristup promenama i problemima kojima je izložena svetska ekonomija na početku 21. veka, sa fokusom na pitanja i probleme vezane za održivi razvoj. Ekonomske aktivnosti, koje pokreću proizvodnju i potrošnju dobara, doprinose ostvarivanju ciljeva održivog razvoja, ali koliki je zaista obim uticaja ekonomskog rasta na ciljeve održivog razvoja, i da li su oni pozitivni ili negativni, ostaje da se dodatno razjasni. Iz tog razloga, ova monografija posvećena je ekonomskim dimenzijama održivog razvoja i fokusira se na pitanja i probleme balansiranja ekonomskog rasta uporedo sa zaštitom životne sredine i socijalnom ravnopravnošću, ciljajući na dugoročni prosperitet i blagostanje. Svesni činjenice da su prirodni resursi na zemlji ograničeni, a da je konstantno prisutna sve veća potreba za proizvodnjom i potrošnjom budućih generacija, s razlogom je pažnja ove monografije usmerena ka održivom razvoju. A kako smo već svesni činjenice da održivi razvoj umnogome zavisi od potrošačkih potreba i načina na koje će se one zadovoljavati i proizvoditi za potrebe budućih generacija, važno je razmotriti i ulogu svakog od donosioca ekonomskih odluka u tom lancu. Iz tog razloga, ova monografija posvećena je ekonomskim dimenzijama održivog razvoja i podeljena je na šest delova. Na početku su razmatrana teorijska polazišta samog koncepta održivog razvoja, kao i uspostavljanje ravnoteže između različitih dimenzija razvoja, s posebnim fokusom na ekonomske, ekološke i socijalne dimenzije razvoja. Zatim se analizirao značaj i uloga različitih aktera u promovisanju i unapređenju održivog ekonomskog razvoja, kako iz ugla države kroz svoje politike, regulative i strategije, zatim preko privatnog sektora kao pokretača inovacija i investicija, onda preko međunarodnih institucija koje pružaju finansijsku i tehničku podršku i, naravno, preko civilnog društva i pojedinaca koji svojim uverenjima i aktivizmom vrše pritisak na druge aktere i podižu svest o neophodnosti promena. U cilju analiziranja ekonomskih dimenzija održivog razvoja i globalizacije, s posebnim osvrtom na izazove i mogućnosti koje nosi savremeno poslovanje, dat je prikaz različitih pristupa – od zelene ekonomije i zelenih finansija, do odnosa cirkularne ekonomije i ciljeva održivog razvoja, kroz analizu ekoloških izazova i problema za privredu i društvo, usklađivanja sa novim potrebama na tržištu rada i dr. Nakon isticanja važnih faktora za analizu ekonomskih dimenzija održivog razvoja, autori su prikazali osnovne razlike i ograničenja u primeni koncepta održivog razvoja u zemljama u okruženju, da bi na kraju analizirali i izazove održivog razvoja u Srbiji, upoređujući ih sa smernicama EU, radi identifikovanja planova i strategije u cilju unapređenja trenutne situacije u Srbiji. Ovom prilikom autori monografije žele da izraze posebnu zahvalnost recenzentima prof. dr Vladanu Pavloviću, redovnom profesoru na Ekonomskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Prištini, sa privremenim sedištem u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, prof. dr Dragani Gnjatović, redovnom profesoru na Fakultetu za hotelijerstvo i turizam u Vrnjačkoj Banji, Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, i dr Radoslavu Baltezareviću, višem naučnom saradniku Instituta za međunarodnu politiku i privredu u Beogradu, koji su bili velika podrška i čiji su saveti i sugestije značajno doprinele kvalitetu ove monografije
Positioning of the Western Balkans in the Restructuring Chapter of International Relations: Between Economic Cohesion and Political Disagreements
Get PDFThe Western Balkans political entities are the most suitable "formula" for naming the members of this "political" framework bearing in mind that the statehood in certain cases is a disputable question on bilateral and regional level, but also taking into account the fact that the process of acquiring full statehood is, not in formal, but in pragmatic way, still not completed. From academic perspective, naming Western Balkans members as political entities provides a huge and essential explanation about the challenges, risks and threats which are facing, but it also refers a lot about their sustainability in the context of contemporary international relations faced with the probably multi-level forced process of restructuring.
Namely, there are huge possibilities from certain scholars to problematize this thesis about the uncompleted statehood process of Western Balkans actors, but, if we analyze the obstacles which Western Balkans is facing during the last 35 years, since the disintegration of Yugoslavia, we could reach certainly relevant data in favor for placing such thesis. In fact, it is not appropriate thesis just for explanation the past 35 years of political, security and economic flows within the mentioned, politically framed region, but certainly for providing explanation about the upcoming period which also should include recommendations about the regional positioning within the international relations mosaic.
The essence of the issue is, through this paper, to find out what kind of essential obstacles is facing Western Balkans actors, precising their similarities and differences, and thus trying to determine their foreign policy positioning, including comprehensive sustainability in the new waves of international relations analyzing from the perspective of potentials for regional cooperation, coordination and integration.
Bearing in mind that we are talking about so-called micro and small political entities, with reached formal statehood or with statehood intentions, this study will have also important contribution in understanding the positioning and, thus, sustainability of small and micro states in the new chapter of international relations where the principles of UN Charter are mostly violated
Serbia-China-EU Relations – From (De-)hedging to Win-Win?
Get PDFThe Republic of Serbia, as a military-neutral, EU candidate country, with Eurasian hedging tendencies in Euro-Atlantic surroundings, presents a unique case of cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. As an early adopter of the 16+1 (China-CEEC) and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) formats, Serbia entered a comprehensive, strategic relationship with the PRC at bilateral and multilateral levels due to its internal challenges, specific foreign policy orientation and geopolitical context. In a decade, Serbia revamped its development path, boosted its infrastructure, saved its metallurgy, improved internal and regional connectivity and received political support for its fundamental national interest of preserving territorial integrity. On the other side, Serbia’s cooperation with China faces pressure from the “political West” aimed at curbing Serbia’s hedging through de-hedging, wedging and negative strategic framing. Nevertheless, Serbia’s objective remains to aim for win-win scenarios, which would not preclude either its EU membership talks, under way since 2014, or the building of the China-Serbia community with a shared future in the new era since 2024
Između želja I mogućnosti: pakt za budućnost kao test opstanka Ujedinjenih nacija
Get PDFUjedinjene nacije (UN), već nekoliko decenija suočavaju se sa brojnim
kritikama. Organizacija nije efikasna kao što je nekada bila, a ciljevi zbog
kojih je osnovana ne ispunjavanju se u dovoljnoj meri. Stoga je i poverenje
međunarodne zajednice u njeno delovanje sve slabije. UN nalaze se na
prekretnici i hitno moraju povući neke poteze kako bi ostale relevantan akter
u međunarodnim odnosima. Delujući tom pravcu, UN su donele strateški
dokument - Pakt za budućnost, koji predstavlja novu strategiju UN za njeno
buduće delovanje. Ambiciozno zamišljen, Pakt za budućnost razmatra
mogućnosti delovanja UN u oblastima održivog razvoja, mira i bezbednosti,
mladih i budućih generacija, nauke, tehnologije i veštačke inteligencije i druga
važna pitanja. Iako su neke ideje sadržane u Paktu za budućnost odranije
poznate Pakt sadrži i neke nove inovativne ideje posvećene digitalnim
tehnologijama, veštačkoj inteligenciji i poboljšanju položaja mladih. U radu
se detaljnije analizira sadržaj Pakta i njegovim mogući efekti na buduće
delovanje UN. Autorka zaključuje da Pakt za budućnost kao strateški
dokument UN, može biti dobra osnova za poboljšanje organizacione
efikasnosti svetske organizacije posebno uzimajući u obzir njegove inovativne
ideje kojima se razmatraju pitanja o kojima UN do sada nisu posvećivale
dovoljno pažnje
Judicial facts memorized in law – the story of the Hague tribunal
No full textThe idea of the research is to provide an analysis of a certain type of memory laws in the region of the Western Balkans that prohibit the denial of historical crimes. The criminal codes of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and the territory of Kosovo offer several variations of the crime of negationism – denial, minimization, or condonation of crimes of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity. There are three interrelated factors that make these countries interesting for a comparative research of this kind. First is that they share a past full of atrocities committed on all sides, not only from the two world wars but from the more recent civil wars in the aftermath of the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia, a state that once incorporated all these successors. Combined with a lack of any commonly accepted history by national academia or political elites, there are plenty of opportunities for various interpretations of the same events by both benevolent and malign actors. Second factor which contributes to historical misunderstandings is the controversial role of the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia, constituted ad hoc by the United Nations Security Council Resolution while the civil wars were still raging. Although the Tribunal gave legal qualifications of all the important atrocities that occured during the civil wars, the most famous probably being the crime of genocide in the municipality of Srebrenica, it was never fully accepted in its legitimacy and impartiality by political elites and common people of the region. The official history of crimes of the Yugoslav civil wars, written in its judgments, was nevertheless incorporated into some of these criminal codes. The third factor lies in the prerequisites of the EU membership process. The formal aspiration of all these countries to align themselves with the EU legislation in this field, resulting in the implementation of the Framework Decision on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law. Thus, the denial, minimization or condonation of crimes of the common Western Balkans past has been put into context of spreading hatred and xenophobia among its peoples. The author’s hypothesis is that taken together, these three factors make the original idea of the memory laws in conflict ridden societies – to bring stability,
conciliation and some redress for victims – difficult to implement in the specific
Western Balkans context, and can even lead to further social polarization in its
multiethnic societies and greater instability in inter-state relations