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Nuklearna energija kao 'zeleno' i održivo rešenje
U eri bujajućih energetskih potreba čovečanstva, nuklearna energija se nameće kao stabilan, održiv i čist energetski izvor. Globalno zagrevanje uz neophodnost smanjenja ljudskih emisija CO2 u atmosferu nameće gašenje zastarelih i štetnih energetskih proizvođača na fosilna goriva. U ovom radu se razmatra da li je nuklearna energija zaista održiva i da li se može svrstati u „zelene“ izvore energije. Autor pokušava da objasni prednosti nuklearne energije u odnosu na druge načine proizvodnje uz potencijalne negativne efekte i načine njihovog prevazilaženja. Osnovna hipoteza rada kaže da je nuklearna energija uzimajući u obzir sve prednosti i nedostatke, danas ekološki prihvatljiv način energetske proizvodnje i jedina prava alternativa fosilnim gorivima. Pitanje na koje autor pokušava da odgovori jeste da li su nuklearna energija i ekologizam komplementarni. U skladu sa tim autor analizira održivost nuklearne energije, njenu otpornost na eksterne faktore uticaja, upravljanje nuklearnim otpadom, količinu emisije CO2 u atmosferu, bezbednost načina proizvodnje, uz osvrt na buduće trendove usavršavanja nuklearne tehnologije. Autor zaključuje da nuklearna energija dobija sve više pažnje, te brojne države sveta planiraju uvođenje ovog energetskog izvora, ne samo zbog klimatskih promena na globalnom nivou, već i zbog zaštite sopstvene životne sredine i garantovanja stabilnosti snabdevanja
Zloupotreba dominantnog položaja u pravu Evropske unije: vezana trgovina u slučaju Microsoft
Zloupotreba dominantnog položaja, u najopštijem smislu, predstavlja nedozvoljenu praksu antikonkurentskog delovanja na slobodnom tržištu. Evropska unija (EU), kao međunarodna organizacija sa nadnacionalnim obeležjima, dosegla je značajne domete kada je u pitanju normativno regulisanje i primena u praksi prava konkurencije, kao jednog od nosećih stubova evropskog zajedničkog tržišta. Članom 102. Ugovora o funkcionisanju EU zabranjuje se zloupotreba dominantnog položaja. Jedan od njenih pojavnih oblika jeste i vezana trgovina, koja se javlja kada prodavac zahteva od kupca da uz prvi proizvod kupi i drugi, povezani proizvod. Pred Sudom pravde EU vođeno je više slučajeva zbog nedozvoljene poslovne prakse vezane trgovine na zajedničkom tržištu Unije. Slučaj Microsoft nesumnjivo je jedan od najznačajnijih i najdalekosežnijih u ovom domenu. U osnovi ovog slučaja bilo je uslovljavanje kupaca istovremenom kupovinom operativnog sistema i povezanog programa za reprodukciju audio i video sadržaja. Odluka Evropske komisije iz 2004. godine, kojom se postupak čuvene kompanije deklariše kao nedozvoljena poslovna praksa, kao i potonja presuda Prvostepenog suda iz 2007. godine, kojom se predmetna odluka potvrđuje – značajne su iz više razloga. Najpre zato što je krivim proglašen tehnološki gigant poput Majkrosofta, a potom i zbog činjenice da je izrečena finansijska kazna bila do tada najviša u istoriji. Konačno, posle dve decenije – čini se da je pravno rezonovanje u slučaju Microsoft i dalje i te kako „na ceni“. U eri tehnološke ekspanzije, buđenja starih i prodora novih (svetskih) ekonomskih sila, te trzavica u međunarodnom trgovinskom sistemu, zloupotreba dominantnog položaja u svim svojim pojavnim oblicima (p)ostaje jedno od važnijih pravnih pitanja savremene međunarodne politike
The Yugoslav nuclear programme and the impact of political factors on its failure
In the post-war period, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was among the first countries to pursue an independent nuclear weapons programme. The initial efforts were centred around experts from the Vinča Institute and the politician Aleksandar Ranković. However, limited technical progress, political instability within the federal government, and the Chernobyl nuclear disaster ultimately brought an end to Yugoslavia’s nuclear ambitions. In addition to these factors, the failure of the programme was significantly influenced by the internal political transformations that took place in the SFRY after the mid-1960s. The process of confederalisation, which led to the increasing dominance of the federal republics’ and autonomous provinces’ particular interests at the expense of shared national objectives, played a crucial role. This article specifically examines the impact of confederalisation on the termination of the nuclear programme, offering a novel perspective compared to previous studies on the subject. The study gathers and analyses data related to the development of the Yugoslav nuclear programme, presenting its chronology and evaluating the political dynamics that led to its collapse. The central hypothesis is that the internal political shifts resulting from the country’s confederalisation – formalised with the 1974 constitutional reforms – directly contributed to the abandonment of the military nuclear programme. To test this hypothesis, the authors draw upon existing scholarship, archival materials, and four primary sources, including interviews with direct participants in the Yugoslav nuclear programme. This research not only provides a foundation for further study but also holds broader relevance for comparative political science, offering insights into contemporary military, economic, and political alliances where strategic projects remain subjects of debate
Conflicting Visions of Connectivity: EU’s and China’s Infrastructural Agendas for the Western Balkans
This article examines the strategic engagement of the European
Union and China in the Western Balkans, analyzing their respective
approaches through the EU Connectivity Agenda and China’s Belt and
Road Initiative from 2015 to 2020. While both initiatives sought to
enhance regional Connectivity and infrastructure, they were shaped by
differing agendas rooted in national interest. The EU’s approach focused
on fostering economic integration and regulatory alignment with Europe,
prioritizing shared standards and sustainable development. Conversely,
China’s approach emphasized rapid infrastructure development to expand
its geopolitical influence, often leveraging state-driven investments
to further its strategic interests. This study underscores how these
competing agendas manifest in significant investments and their impacts
on regional infrastructure, economic growth, and political dynamics.
The intensifying geopolitical competition between the EU and China
also brings new challenges for the Western Balkan states, including debt
dependency and sovereignty concerns, as they seek to balance foreign influence with national priorities. This analysis offers insight into the
region’s evolving role within the broader global landscape. It reveals the
long-term implications of external powers pursuing Connectivity and
national interests to shape its development
Geopolitičke koncepcije: definisanje i značaj
U praktičnom smislu geopolitika se manifestuje kroz geopolitičke koncepcije. Ove koncepcije
su strategijske predstave, koje se zasnivaju na geografskim (društvenogeografskim i fizičkogeograf-
skim) i političkim indikatorima, značajnim za oblikovanje određenih ciljeva. U ovom radu objašnjavaju
se definicija i značaj geopolitičkih koncepcija, kao i neophodni uslovi za njihovu legitimizaciju. U
tom kontekstu, za razumevanje pojedinih geopolitičkih koncepcija (odnosno za razumevanje konstanti na
kojima su koncepcije utvrđene) nužno je poznavati istorijske procese dugog trajanja koji takođe oblikuju
kolektivne strategijske predstave. Neligitimne geopolitičke koncepcije ne mogu biti uspešne, niti
trajati u vremenu, što je suštinski suprotno ciljevima geopolitike. Zbog toga se nameće zaključak da
uspešne geopolitike ne mogu biti zasnovane na bilo kakvim ad hoc akcijama, već podrazumevaju strate-
ško promišljanje, dugoročno planiranje i multidisciplinarni pristup u osiguravanju interesa države
i naroda koji državu tvori
Ukrajinski zahtev za članstvo kao manifestacija privrženosti vrednostima Evropske unije
U ovom radu, autor analizira dinamiku, proceduralne, kao i političke aktivnosti povezane s
ukrajinskim zahtevom za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji. Autor sagledava problematiku privrženosti
evropskim vrednostima u kontekstu ’retoričke zamke’, s naročitim fokusom na period od 2022-
2024. godine. Prema Franku Šimelfenigu (Frank Schimmelfennig), radi se o konceptu tj.
instrumentu koji podstiče članice (i kandidate) da se usklade s evropskim vrednostima i
normama na koje su se obavezali, jer u suprotnom rizikuju gubitak kredibiliteta, marginalizaciju
i troškove vezane za takav scenario. Posvećenost na strani kandidata aktivira povratnu spregu
na evropskoj strani, gde pristalice članstva koriste argumentaciju o postignućima kandidata
kako bi zagovarale dalje korake na evropskom putu. Polazeći od ranije Šimelfenigove studije
slučaja Turske, autor nastoji da utvrdi postojanje retoričke zamke, kao i njenu povezanost sa
„evropskim vrednostima“, imajući u vidu i specifične ratne/geopolitičke okolnosti. Zaključci
istraživanja upućuju na aktiviranje tj. prisustvo retoričke zamke, određenu ulogu vrednosti u
interpretaciji privrženosti evropskom putu (i valorizaciji napretka), ali i na moguću
privremenost navedenog mehanizma, te na nezaobilaznu ulogu postignutih rezultata tj.
„zasluga“ Ukrajine u daljem toku evropskih integracija
Artificial intelligence governance and intelligence interoperability: Diverging EU and NATO approaches in national security contexts
Artificial Intelligence (AI) now shapes many aspects of security and intelligence work. The European Union and NATO have moved in different directions in how they handle its use. The EU leans heavily on law and ethics to keep AI under democratic control, while NATO treats it mainly as a way to speed up operations and strengthen cooperation between allies. Drawing on policy documents and two case studies—biometric surveillance and automated signals intelligence (SIGINT)—securitization and co-production theory are used to show how these choices affect daily collaboration. Governance differences often create friction but can also lead to complementarity in intelligence practice. Coordination should be improved through shared certification standards, secure data-sharing protocols, and the establishment of a permanent EU–NATO working group on AI in security so that innovation supports, rather than divides, transatlantic cooperatio
China’s Road to the Balkans: The Belt and Road Initiative and the Reconfiguration of Regional Relations
The rise of China as a political and economic actor in the Balkans marks a new stage in the region’s international relations. Through bilateral initiatives with Balkan states, the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and participation in the China–Central and Eastern European Countries (China–CEEC) cooperation framework (formerly the “17+1” platform), Beijing has gained a visible degree of influence – primarily through infrastructure loans, direct investments, and instruments of cultural diplomacy. Considering that less than two decades ago China’s involvement in the region was virtually non-existent, this transformation is significant.
Yet, after an initially ambitious phase, China’s influence has evolved unevenly across the Balkans. This divergence reflects shifting attitudes within the United States, NATO, and the European Union toward China. The steady deterioration of U.S.–China relations–and, to a lesser extent, EU–China relations–has constrained Chinese investments, loans, and acquisitions in the region. The article examines China’s completed and ongoing projects, the causes of suspended or abandoned initiatives, and the evolving policies of Balkan governments toward Beijing.
Grounded in structural realism, the study argues that the global balance of power directly shapes regional dynamics in the Balkans. Within an anarchic international system, where power is concentrated among major states, smaller countries possess limited agency and must adapt to systemic constraints. Thus, despite evident economic incentives for cooperation with China, many Balkan states avoid deeper engagement, as the potential political costs–particularly the risk of straining relations with the United States and the European Union–outweigh the anticipated economic gains
Kineski pristup konceptu odvraćanja u sajber prostoru
Ovaj rad istražuje kineski pristup konceptu odvraćanja u sajber prostoru. Najpre se prvo razmatra evolucija koncepta odvraćanja od nuklearnog do međudomenskog, sa posebnim osvrtom na koncept sajber odvraćanja. Potom se prikazuju
specifičnosti kineskog pristupa odvraćanju i kako se ovaj koncept oblikuje u Narodnoj Republici Kini u odnosu na njenu stratešku kulturu. Cilj rada je da ilustruje kako NR Kina interpretira sajber odvraćanje u sklopu svoje šire koncepcije integrisanog
strateškog odvraćanja, odnosno kako konceptualizuje odvraćanje
u sajber domenu. Zaključuje se da NR Kina na sajber prostor gleda
kao na produžetak njene suverene teritorije, gde strategija sajber
odvraćanja, integrisana sa ostalim domenima, služi zaštiti vitalnih nacionalnih interesa
Between Progress and Peril: The Role of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in Shaping Modern Political Communication
Since artificial intelligence (AI) has been integrated into our digital communication landscape, there have
been major changes in how political campaigns are strategically designed and how public opinion is influenced. With the help of
machine learning (ML), generative models (GM) and natural language processing (NLP), AI tools have introduced new opportunities
for political engagement. Today, thanks to AI-driven data analytics, we can micro-target voters based on their psychographic
profiles and adapt political messages with incredible precision. On the other hand, generative AI technologies are increasingly
used to spread false information or to imitate political endorsements, which has a great impact on public opinion. The dissemination
of such content can greatly reinforce ideological prejudices and contribute to social divisions. This paper draws on recent
empirical research and case studies to illustrate how AI-generated disinformation campaigns can affect electoral processes
and undermine trust in democratic institutions. Various examples, such as the use of bots to control social media to deepfake
content impersonating political figures, show that ethical, technological and legal safeguards are urgently needed. Furthermore,
this paper supports an approach to AI governance that strikes a balance between promoting innovation and reducing harm. This
implies the development of tools for AI detection, transparency measures and cooperation between sectors in order to promote
responsibility and integrity of information. Greater digital literacy among citizens and proactive policy responses will be necessary
in the near future to ensure the resilience of democratic systems due to the increasingly rapid development of AI technology