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Antúnez López, Sandra: Los artífices de la confección. La industria del vestido en elPalacio Real (1789-1829)
No full textRadiografia Qualitativa da Educação Cívica Escolar em Espanha
No full textSince the beginning of the century, numerous debates have emerged regarding civic education in Spanish schools. However, many of these debates lack arguments based on empirical evidence and are sometimes influenced by partisan interests and confrontations. In light of this, the study represents a substantive contribution to these debates through a multiple case study involving 14 schools selected based on the criterion of maximum heterogeneity in their characteristics. The main findings indicate that the introduction of the specific subject of Ethical and Civic Values (formal civic education) requires significant improvements in both its design and implementation. Additionally, the study has revealed a wide variety of informal and non-formal mechanisms through which schools promote the development of students\u27 citizenship competencies. Overall, the study concludes that only a comprehensive civic education strategy that integrates all three of these dimensions (formal, informal and non-formal) can be truly effective in fostering the development such competence.Desde comienzos de siglo han proliferado numerosos debates a propósito de la educación cívica en la escuela española. Muchos de esos debates, sin embargo, adolecen de argumentos basados en la evidencia empírica y en ocasiones están contaminados por la dinámica de confrontación partidista. Siendo así, este trabajo supone una aportación sustantiva a tales debates mediante la realización de un estudio de caso múltiple en el que han participado 14 escuelas seleccionadas siguiendo el criterio de máxima heterogeneidad en cuanto a sus características. Los resultados principales apuntan a que la introducción de la asignatura específica de Valores Éticos y Cívicos (educación cívica formal) requiere notables mejoras en cuanto a su diseño e implantación. Por otro lado, el estudio ha hecho emerger una gran variedad de mecanismos informales y no formales a través de los cuales la escuela promueve el desarrollo de competencias ciudadanas en los estudiantes. Con todo, se concluye que solo una estrategia integral de educación cívica escolar que integre los tres ámbitos (formal, informal y no formal) puede resultar verdaderamente efectiva en el desarrollo de dicha competencia.Desde o início do século, têm-se multiplicado os debates sobre a educação cívica nas escolas espanholas. No entanto, muitos desses debates carecem de argumentos baseados em evidências empíricas e são por vezes contaminados por dinâmicas de confronto partidário. Assim sendo, este artigo contribui de forma substantiva para esses debates através da realização de um estudo de casos múltiplos envolvendo 14 escolas selecionadas de acordo com o critério da máxima heterogeneidade em termos das suas caraterísticas. Os principais resultados sugerem que a introdução da disciplina específica de Valores Éticos e Cívicos (educação cívica formal) requer melhorias significativas em termos da sua conceção e implementação. Por outro lado, o estudo trouxe à luz uma grande variedade de mecanismos informais e não formais através dos quais as escolas promovem o desenvolvimento de competências de cidadania nos alunos. Em suma, conclui-se que só uma estratégia global de educação para a cidadania baseada na escola que integre os três domínios (formal, informal e não formal) pode ser verdadeiramente eficaz no desenvolvimento das competências de cidadania
Paz útil, paz posible: conflicto, procesos y poder en la segunda guerra civil de Libia (2014-2020)
No full textThis analysis uses the Sociology of Power complemented by Darby and Mac Ginty’s literature on conflict resolution to study the evolution of the post-Gaddafi Libyan power structure and the peace initiatives in the second civil war between 2014 and 2020. The hypothesis asserts that the success of a peace initiative depends on whether the conflict itself is useful in the circular competition for power between primary elites. This research confirms this assessment although complementary elements are to be considered to justify the sustained failure of most initiatives until the 2020 ceasefire.Este análisis emplea la Sociología del Poder complementada por la literatura de resolución de conflictos de Darby y Mac Ginty para estudiar la evolución de la estructura de poder de la Libia post-Gadafi y las iniciativas de paz de la segunda guerra civil entre 2014 y 2020. La hipótesis de partida establece que el éxito de una iniciativa de paz depende de la utilidad del conflicto para la competición circular por el poder entre las élites primarias. La investigación permite confirmar esta afirmación, aunque deba complementarse con otros elementos para justificar el fracaso de las iniciativas de paz hasta el alto el fuego de 2020
Reseña de Laurence THIEUX e Isaías BARREÑADA (Coords.) (2024): La cuestión palestina. Colonialismo, Nakba, ocupación y genocidio, Dykinson, Madrid, 260 páginas.
No full textThe Palestinian Question. Colonialism, Nakba, occupation and genocide, edited by Laurence Thieux and Isaías Barreñada, offers a multidisciplinary analysis of the Palestinian question based on the colonial paradigm, specifically settlement colonialism, as opposed to the hegemonic interpretation that explains it as a “conflict” between two peoples. With absolute academic rigor, the authors describe multiple strategies and policies of Zionism that, as a colonial project, have generated the dispossession and expulsion of the Palestinian people, preventing the exercise of their right to self-determination, which allows contextualizing the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023 and the disproportionate Israeli reply.La obra La cuestión palestina. Colonialismo, Nakba, ocupación y genocidio, coordinada por Laurence Thieux e Isaías Barreñada, ofrece un análisis multidisciplinar de la cuestión palestina basado en el paradigma colonial, en específico el colonialismo de asentamiento, en contraposición a la interpretación hegemónica que lo explica como un “conflicto” entre dos pueblos. Con absoluto rigor académico, los autores describen múltiples estrategias y políticas del sionismo que, como proyecto colonial, han generado la desposesión y expulsión del pueblo palestino, impidiendo el ejercicio de su derecho a la autodeterminación, lo que permite contextualizar los ataques de Hamás del 7 de octubre de 2023 y la desproporcionada respuesta israelí
La creciente influencia de China en la región de Oriente Próximo (2015-2024)
No full textFollowing the Arab Spring, in the geopolitical sphere of the Middle East, the progressive withdrawal of the US from the region has been one of the issues most discussed by academia, and the countries of the region have found it necessary to seek alternative alliances to the US in order to protect their territorial, political, economic and diplomatic security. Faced with this vacuum, other external powers have been emerging with the aim of occupying the role once held by the US as the hegemonic power in the region, such as Turkey, Russia and Israel. However, none of these countries has been able to fully consolidate itself as the hegemonic power in the region, so that in recent times a new power has come into focus in the region: China. In the last decade, the Asian giant has become a power in search of resources and alliances, but its modus operandi differs from that traditionally followed by the US. While the Americans focused on having a mainly military presence on the ground, China\u27s foreign policy focuses on economic, diplomatic and commercial tools, with a much more permissive and tolerant policy towards the idiosyncrasies of the countries in the area, which is much more attractive to them.
The origin of this investigation lies in March 2023, when the agreement to restore diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia was announced, with China as mediator. After more than five years without relations between the two major powers in the Middle East region, the Asian giant had contributed to a significant rapprochement between the two. This gave rise to the research question at the core of this study: how China influences the regional balance of power.
In order to get to the bottom of the issue, we must first approach the historical and geopolitical context in the region. To this end, we will first analyze the historical evolution of relations between the two poles of our analysis, focusing on what happened after 1949 with the birth of the People\u27s Republic of China, noting that they have gone through different phases until reaching the state of responsibility that the Asian country has in the region. On the other hand, from the geopolitical aspect we will analyze the current state of relations and alliances in the region, as well as the presence (and non-presence) of certain actors such as the US or Russia, and the prominence of important regional actors, which marks the state of alliances and distribution of power in the area today.
The major theoretical line to be considered is the Chinese conception of International Relations and the International System. This is justified by the cultural substratum behind the scientific and theoretical approach to certain phenomena, such as the International System. The cultural differences between China and the Western context from which we write justify this theoretical approach to Chinese internationalist thought, from which its foreign policy decisions are justified. We note that Chinese action at the foreign level has become much more assertive since 2012, with the coming to power of Xi Jinping in the Asian giant, which is partly motivated by the country\u27s economic development since the beginning of the century, leading the country to seek the position in the system that it considers rightfully its own. Also, the ghosts of what is known as the century of humiliation in which China was occupied by foreign powers during the 19th century lead the country to want a leading role in the system. Furthermore, the Tianxia conception establishes a system with the Asian giant at the center and the rest of the countries as vassals, with a relationship based on cooperation and mutual benefit, and not on military coercion.
From this point of view we are going to analyze China\u27s influence in the regional order of the Middle East, and in order to try to answer our research question we are going to propose the following specific objectives, into which we are going to divide our analysis, such as the following: i) Assess the strategic importance of the Middle East for China within its conception of the international system; ii) To analyze the evolution of China\u27s relations with the countries of the Middle East; iii) To know the economic, military and political-diplomatic means through which China tries to influence the region; iv) To determine China\u27s lines of interaction with key players in the region.
In terms of methodology, since this is an issue that has not been dealt with much, we do not have many reference authors, so we are going to carry out a bibliographical review of authors who have dealt with China\u27s presence in the area, as well as everything related to the specific objectives we have set. Therefore, conclusions based on public statements, authors who deal with the relations between China and each of the regional actors, as well as on the different Chinese ways of presence in the area, are fundamental. For this reason we use an eminently qualitative approach, although we take into account some quantitative data that we will use to interpret what is proposed in the literature.
Finally, we conclude that China\u27s objective is not so much to alter the regional order in its favor, but rather to make instrumental use of the balanced relations with most of the states in order to maintain regional stability that favors its economic interests. We reached this conclusion after observing that relations have evolved in accordance with China\u27s foreign policy strategy and the configuration of the geopolitical landscape in the region; that the means of influence are varied but that the economic and political-diplomatic component (incipient) predominates; and that it maintains balanced relations with the key players in the area, championing the concept of shared responsibility and maintenance of regional stability. It is also important to consider the need for both poles to diversify alliances within the framework of a multipolar and changing International System, in which China seeks to gain followers through cooperation, negotiation and the establishment of a system that is much more attractive to the countries known as the Global South by not imposing conditions that do not fit their idiosyncrasies, while the countries of the Middle East seek to draw closer to China by detecting the economic benefits they can obtain from it and the solvency of the Asian giant.Tras la Primavera Árabe, en el plano geopolítico de Oriente Próximo, la progresiva retirada de EEUU de la región ha sido una de las cuestiones más tratadas por la academia, por lo que los países de la zona se han visto en la necesidad de buscar alianzas alternativas a EEUU para proteger su seguridad territorial, política, económica y diplomática. Ante este vacío, otras potencias exteriores han ido emergiendo con el objetivo de ocupar ese rol que antaño ostentaba EEUU como potencia hegemónica en la región, como Turquía, Rusia o Israel. Sin embargo, ninguno de estos países ha llegado a consolidarse completamente como tal, por lo que en los últimos tiempos observamos que un nuevo actor ha puesto el foco en la región: China. El gigante asiático se ha constituido en la última década en una potencia en busca de recursos y alianzas, pero cuyo modus operandi difiere del que tradicionalmente ha seguido EEUU. Si los norteamericanos se centraban en tener presencia principalmente militar sobre el terreno, la política exterior china se centra en herramientas de tipo económico, diplomático o comercial, y con una política mucho más permisiva y tolerante con la idiosincrasia de los países de la zona, algo mucho más atractivo para estos. En este artículo vamos a analizar cómo estos medios de influencia van a afectar o no a la distribución del poder en el plano regional, y qué consecuencias entraña. Finalmente llegamos a la conclusión de que el objetivo de China no es tanto alterar el equilibrio de poder a su favor, sino hacer un uso instrumental del mismo que favorezca sus intereses. Desde el punto de vista metodológico utilizamos una revisión descriptiva de la situación apoyándonos especialmente en literatura especializada de autores de origen chino y en parte autores tradicionales de las RRII occidentales, así como en datos de carácter cuantitativo principalmente de fuentes abiertas para analizar cada una de las dimensiones que soportan nuestro estudio
Entre la fe y el poder: la Iglesia en la Granada de los Reyes Católicos. Reseña: Rayo Muñoz, Gema, Una iglesia a la sombra de la monarquía. Dinero y poder en el reino de Granada (1487-1526), Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2023, 436 pp
No full textIncorregibles: presos españoles en el sistema de concentración nazi. Reseña: Martínez López, Diego; y López Bravo, Gutmaro. Deportados y Olvidados. Los españoles en los campos de concentración nazis, Madrid, La Esfera de los Libros, 2024, 648 pp.
No full text¿VIDA O MUERTE? TENER LA VOLUNTAD DE PONER FIN A LA VIDA: RECONOCER Y CONSTRUIR EL MARCO DEL DERECHO A MORIR CON DIGNIDAD EN EL DERECHO INTERNACIONAL DE LOS DERECHO HUMANOS
No full textInternational human rights law fails to protect people who wish to have a dignified death by not recognising the existence of the right to die yet implicit in dignity-based human rights. This paper explores the issues of euthanasia and assisted suicide both in the context of international human rights law and of jurisprudence. It attempts to build an international human rights law framework, called the right to die with dignity (RTD) framework, charged of giving people in distressing health conditions access to end of life practices. The paper is a juridical paper above all else, tasked to investigate how existing dignity-based human rights could be used as legalisation enablers. However, it also inscribes itself in the field of the philosophy of law considering that the philosophical normativity of the framework as well as its reconciliation with natural law theory and sanctity of life arguments are great matters of interest. El derecho internacional de los derechos humanos no protege a las personas que desean tener una muerte digna al no reconocer la existencia del derecho a morir, que aún está implícito en los derechos humanos basados ??en la dignidad. Este artículo explora las cuestiones de la eutanasia y el suicidio asistido tanto en el contexto del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos como de la jurisprudencia. Intenta construir un marco legal internacional de derechos humanos, llamado marco del derecho a morir con dignidad (DTR), encargado de brindar a las personas en condiciones de salud difíciles acceso a prácticas para el final de la vida. El artículo es, por encima de todo, un documento jurídico, cuya tarea es investigar cómo los derechos humanos existentes basados ??en la dignidad podrían usarse como facilitadores de la legalización. Sin embargo, también se inscribe en el campo de la filosofía del derecho considerando que la normatividad filosófica del marco, así como su reconciliación con la teoría del derecho natural y los argumentos de la santidad de la vida, son cuestiones de interés
CULTURAL PLURALISM UNDER RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN THE TERMS OF ART. 44 SC
No full textEste trabajo examina la protección del pluralismo cultural que se deriva de la configuración de la libertad religiosa (art. 16 CE). Para ello se prestará especial atención a varios pronunciamientos judiciales que, en contra de lo que cabría esperar, se han apoyado en la noción «cultura» para desactivar la protección de las minorías religiosas en favor de la cultura mayoritaria. En el trabajo se propone la articulación del principio de pluralismo cultural a partir del art. 44.1 CE para aplicarlo en los conflictos constitucionales relativos a la libertad religiosa. De este modo, se revertirían los efectos de una interpretación constitucionalmente inadecuada del elemento cultural en favor del principio democrático de pluralismo cultural. The aim of this paper is to examine the level of protection of cultural diversity derived from religious freedom (art. 16 SC) in Spain. To this end, this paper focuses on several judgements which, contrary to what one might expect, the protection of religious minorities has been deactivated in favour of the majority culture. The paper proposes the application of the right to culture (art. 44.1 SC) in constitutional conflicts involving religious freedom in order to revert the effects of an inadequate interpretation of the cultural element in favor of the democratic principle of cultural pluralis
THE LEGAL PERSON AND ITS LEGITIMACY AS A HOLDER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS: A THEORETICAL ANALYSIS
No full textEste artículo examina la evolución histórica de la persona jurídica y su capacidad para ostentar derechos fundamentales, desde sus inicios en la antigua Roma hasta su reconocimiento en la actualidad. Se analizan diversas teorías sobre la personalidad jurídica, como la teoría de la ficción y la teoría orgánica, y su impacto en el derecho contemporáneo. Además, se discuten los argumentos a favor y en contra del reconocimiento de derechos fundamentales a las personas jurídicas en la Constitución española, considerando la interpretación de diferentes preceptos constitucionales y las posturas de la doctrina y el Tribunal Constitucional. This paper examines the historical evolution of the legal person and its capacity to hold fundamental rights, from its beginnings in ancient Rome to its recognition today. Various theories on legal personality, such as fiction theory and organic theory, and their impact on contemporary law are analyzed. In addition, the arguments for and against the recognition of fundamental rights to legal persons in the Spanish Constitution are discussed, considering the interpretation of different constitutional precepts and the positions of doctrine and the Constitutional Court.