Portal de revistas electrónicas de la UAM (Univ. Autónoma de Madrid)
Not a member yet
14423 research outputs found
Sort by
¿Qué tiempo tan feliz? Audiotopías cooptadas: música popular e imaginarios sociales de una juventud de clase media durante el desarrollismo franquista
No full textThis article presents a problem centered around the subjects that emerged with modern music from 1958 to 1968 in Spain: the question of the production of a generational musical social imaginary —an audiotopia—, its authorship, and its performative distribution. By addressing the “negotiation” between tradition and modernity in that anti-political Spain, I will show how popular music —through its practice and listening— shaped a middle-class youth ideal, whose resulting image and imaginary operated as a space of mediation and socialization.En este artículo presento una problemática que gira en torno a los sujetos que aparecen con la música moderna de la década de 1958 a 1968 en España: la cuestión de la producción de un imaginario social musical —audiotopía— generacional, su autoría y su distribución performativa. Y planteando con ello cuestiones sobre el “negociado” entre tradición y modernidad en aquella España antipolítica, expondré cómo con la música popular —su práctica y escucha— se modeló un ideal juvenil de clase media cuya imagen e imaginario resultante operó como espacio de mediación y socialización
Coordinación de estrategias Indo-Pacíficas entre China y Europa: una opción viable basada en el Derecho Internacional
No full textIn the Indo-Pacific strategies launched by global actors, symmetric and asymmetric inter-regional relations vary significantly. As a result of this strong asymmetry and various levels of asymmetry, different characteristics are present at the functional level in five dimensions, they’re leverage, institution-building, rationalization, agenda-setting and identity strengthening. This results in China showing greater tolerance for the European option than for Washington\u27s option. Despite the absence of a corresponding strategy, China still continues the tradition of treating the Indo-Pacific region as multiple sub-regions. Plans and interactions with regard to ASEAN can be seen in the general thinking and logic of China\u27s behavior towards the Indo-Pacific region. Consequently, China and the EU share common interests on this issue and there is no fundamental conflict between them. The time is ripe for an updated statement of principles based on international law regarding the relevant concepts of regional governance.
This article aims to analyze how to coordinate different versions of Indo-Pacific strategies and propose a viable plan for the cooperation of different behavior bodies through four sections: 1) Comparison of geographic definitions and Indo-Pacific strategies of different countries or organizations; 2) Considerations of certain behavior bodies in pursuing their strategies based on the Chinese perspective and make a conclusion from China\u27s point of view of how it should react to the growing interest in the Indo-Pacific region; 3) Identification of the cognitive biases and deviations from various points of view on the Chinese policies; 4) Achievement of the “regional” and “pan-regional” order on the basis of the traditional rules of International law to facilitate the Sino-EU coordination and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region.
The shift from the concept of the Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific has changed the definition of the geographical scope of the region, but what has remained unchanged is the scramble and competition among countries for geopolitical interests. With the shift in the strategic focus of various countries, they have concentrated more on the interests of the Indo-Pacific region. The European Union and China, as two important extra-territorial actors in the Indo-Pacific region, have demonstrated their respective interests in their Indo-Pacific policies: the EU and its specific member states have employed a form of geographical “blurred” treatment. While emphasizing values, they focus more on economic interests in the region. For instance, Germany’s Indo-Pacific strategy, with its emphasis on multilateral cooperation, is concentrated in three areas: security, economy, and regional order. In terms of regional order and multilateralism, Germany seeks to shape a “rules-based regional order” through partnerships, global authoritative mechanisms, and regional multilateral arrangements. France’s Indo-Pacific strategy reflects a similar “inclusive” approach based on rules and shared interests, but at the same time, it does not shy away from seeking limited leadership in the region. China has yet to formulate its own Indo-Pacific strategy, and it is difficult to detect any signs of this Asian giant following up on this agenda. In the context where major actors have introduced their own systematic or non-systematic Indo-Pacific action plans, this has led to speculations about China’s “strategic ambiguity” in the region. Consequently, by connecting China’s specific, localized, and particular actions in the Indo-Pacific based on its intended strategy and logic for the region, various degrees of misunderstandings have emerged.
The innovation of the study lies in combining the research theory of interregionalism and the relevant principles of international law to provide more feasible solutions for the actors to strengthen cooperation and reconcile differences in the Indo-Pacific region.
The first group of theories —known as domestic and foreign perspective— focusing on comparative analyses from the internal and external perspectives of an actor to derive differences in the logic of thinking in the formulation and implementation of a particular policy or strategy, and through such comparisons to characterize the modes of action of the different actors in order to safeguard their own interests and to avoid conflict and confrontation.
The second group of theories —method of interregional analysis— focusing on the five functions of the research methodology to analyze how it works organically in the process of interaction and communication between actors within the Indo-Pacific region. Leverage refers to the dynamic equilibrium in the relationship between the key players in the maintenance of multilateral relations through inter-regional and trans-regional forums. Institution-building refers to the contractual and formal institutions such as cooperation and dialogue accords and partnership agreements, as well as the "soft institutional" mechanisms of dialogue such as the regular summits, ministerial and senior officials\u27 meetings and civil society forums among different actors. Rationalization refers to the fact that the interconnectivity among interregional actors can effectively simplify the overloaded agendas of redundant global multilateral forums and promote more effective policy implementation. Agenda-setting refers to the reduction of costs and resource savings that countries can achieve by setting their own agendas after rationalizing themselves. Identity strengthening, on the other hand, refers to the fact that interregionalism catalyzes wider and deeper regionalization, contributing to the creation and strengthening of regional collective identities.
The third group of theories —introduction of principles of international law— highlights the disordered nature of the competing interests of relevant actors in the Indo-Pacific domain, so there is an urgent need to balance the rivalries and even conflicts between states through the normative nature of international law. Cooperation or communication between actors in the Indo-Pacific region tends to be asymmetric due to realism and neo-liberalism, with varying degrees of imbalance resulting in actors not being able to be fully effective and to achieve the objectives of cooperation. The principles of international law have solved the problem and effectively clarified the misunderstandings caused by different countries\u27 ideological differences with regard to different versions of the Indo-Pacific strategy.
When these theoretical frameworks are introduced into the study, it is not difficult to see that cooperation between different actors exhibits the characteristics of bloc politics and ideological confrontation. The contradictions and problems to be dealt with will be deconstructed into: how to seek the possibility of cooperation and development in the Indo-Pacific region between China and the European Union under the premise of complying with the principles of international law, to further promote the formation of a multi-polar pattern in the Indo-Pacific region, and to provide a stable and fair environment for the development of the relevant actors both inside and outside the region.
Finally, the article will propose five updated principles from the Chinese perspective and the tradition of international law. These principles are not only China\u27s expectations for the development of and cooperation among political forces in the Indo-Pacific region, but also apply to any scenario in the world where relevant interregional actors deal with conflicts and deepen cooperation. These principles, on the one hand, demonstrate China\u27s desire for a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific environment and, on the other hand, show China\u27s determination to oppose hegemonic politics and unequal and asymmetrical interregional relations.A pesar de que el término Indo-Pacífico como región se ha convertido rápidamente en un concepto popular de la política internacional y, como resultado, Estados Unidos, Japón, India, Australia, Corea del Sur y algunos países de Europa han lanzado sus propias estrategias Indo-Pacíficas, todavía existen grandes discrepancias en la percepción del alcance geográfico de la región. En consecuencia, la posición, el punto de partida y el enfoque de las estrategias lanzadas por cada país también son muy diferentes. El texto tiene como objetivo proporcionar una opción viable basada en el Derecho Internacional para coordinar las diferentes demandas de intereses de diversos actores y poner fin a la confrontación entre ellos. El texto se dividirá en cuatro partes: en la primera, se examina cuáles son las diferencias en sus intereses en el territorio, combinando el punto de enfoque de sus estrategias y aprovechando su definición de la región. Basado en las teorías fundamentales de las relaciones internacionales y el orden internacional, y considerando los cambios y optimizaciones necesarias frente al mundo actual, esta parte pretende llegar a un consenso básico sobre qué tipo de orden regional o panregional se necesita en la región Indo-Pacífica. Sobre esta base, la segunda parte examinará las consideraciones de EEUU, la Unión Europea y la Asociación de Naciones de Asia Sudoriental (ASEAN) a la hora de llevar a cabo sus estrategias basándose en la perspectiva china. Al final de esta parte, los autores concluirán con un análisis desde el punto de vista de China de cómo se debería reaccionar ante el creciente interés por la región Indo-Pacífica. En la tercera parte del trabajo, se tratará de volver a la perspectiva global para identificar los sesgos o desviaciones cognitivas desde diversos puntos de vista sobre la diplomacia de China con los países vecinos pacíficos; se hará mención especial a los de Europa en términos del mar meridional de China y el de China Continental y Taiwán. El objetivo es que los países europeos coordinen su estrategia Indo-Pacífica con China con una comprensión apropiada de las intenciones chinas. En la última parte del trabajo, se propondrá sobre la base de las normas tradicionales del Derecho Internacional, los principios que deben seguir China y Europa para llevar a cabo sus respectivas estrategias en la región Indo-Pacífica de forma conjunta o con mutua consideración hacia la de la otra parte, con vistas a lograr el orden regional o panregional que se desprende de la primera parte del documento. El enfoque teórico-metodológico consiste en la introducción del análisis del interregionalismo. Se utiliza para investigar los vínculos e interacciones dinámicas entre dos o más regiones. Con el mismo enfoque, se entenderá mejor la lógica de comportamiento de diferentes actores y, gracias a ello, se favorecerá la realización del objetivo del trabajo y se planteará una opción con más viabilidad sobre la base de Derecho Internacional y un orden regional más equitativo, seguro e interconectado
Diversidades sexo-genéricas en lo internacional: la inclusión de la Agenda LGBTI+ en el MERCOSUR
No full textCurrently, debates on gender diversity and LGBTI+ rights have become internationalized, both in a theoretical and political sense (Bosia et al., 2020; Rahman, 2020). By theoretical, we refer to the inclusion of gender-related issues in international relations through two questions or sentences introduced by the first feminist authors of the discipline: the first one is the question where are the women?; the second one refers to the moto personal in international. These contributions made it possible to show how gender and sexuality have specific dynamics in the international arena (Cardinale and Winer, 2022; Enloe, 2014; González and Perrotta, 2021; Manzano, 2015; Sylvester, 2015). By political, we refer to the decision of several international organizations and western states to include the rights of LGBTI+ people as a Human Rights issue in new institutional structures and in their foreign policy. However, the current internationalization of these issues must be understood historically (it occurs in current times and not necessarily before or after) and culturally (it is mainly a Western phenomenon) (Bosia et al., 2020; Rahman, 2020). These premises allow us to ask ourselves: how is this issue being addressed in Latin America? For doing so, the paper focuses on the incorporation and development of a specific Agenda for the LGBTI+ in South American countries within the framework of the most relevant regional integration process: the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR). Feminist approaches to international relations and studies on South American regional integration in recent decades constitute our theoretical framework (Cardinale and Winer, 2022; Ferretto and Picasso, 2018; González and Perrotta, 2021; Manzano, 2015; Valdés, 2003). In this way, we attempt to build situated theory to understand the processes taking place in our region. Based on those approaches, we explore and describe the creation and development of the Permanent LGBTI Commission, under the auspices of the Meeting of High Authorities on Human Rights and Chancelleries of MERCOSUR and Associated States (RAADDHH). We aim to identify how issues related to gender diversity have been addressed in South America. That means, to recognize from which perspectives were these discussions introduced in the regional integration process, which have been the most relevant actors and how have they contributed to the construction of meanings about the region and of a political proposal for regional development, but also of policies focused on these groups. To this end, we first make a theoretical review of the contributions of feminisms —mainly those that draw on international relations and approaches to gender diversity— and regional integration studies that allow us to frame our discussions. Focusing on the MERCOSUR regional integration process, we recognize that the inclusion of the sexual diversity Agenda belongs to a new stage in the region in which several new issues are being addressed and new actors are being included (Perrotta, 2010, 2013; Perrotta and Porcelli, 2019; Sanahuja, 2008; Vazquez, 2019; Velo and Perrotta, 2020). We can mention, for example, the participation of social actors in regional decision-making, the construction of a notion of regional citizenship, or the approach to issues such as family farming or science and technology (González, 2015, 2016). At the same time, other Agendas that were created during the first years of MERCOSUR creation were deepened in these years (such as, for example, the educational or women\u27s Agenda). Secondly, we explore the construction of an Agenda for the LGBTI+ collective in MERCOSUR in two stages. In the first stage, we present the most relevant antecedents for the creation of this space within the bloc: the Specialized Meeting on Women (REM), the Meeting of Ministers and High Authorities on Women (RMAAM) and the RAADDHH. In a second stage, the institutional path that led to the installation of the LGBT Permanent Commission in 2015 is presented, focusing on the dynamics of the functioning of this space, the governmental and social actors involved and the issues addressed. It is concluded that, similarly to what is happening in other Western international spaces, the countries of the region have sought to incorporate the issue within a broader perspective of human rights, thus contributing to place the topic as an international issue that is also close to the foreign policy approaches promoted from the region itself and from South American Countries. Another important conclusion is that social actors played an important role: in this process, LGBTI+ civil society organizations had a notable and uninterrupted presence, influencing the perspectives adopted. It also opens up new questions that balance to some extent the achievements described while opening up a rich research Agenda linked to the role of social actors and the implications of these discussions for the further elaboration of public policies, especially in a global context of apparent regression in terms of human rights and the rights of these groups: To what extent did the demands of the organizations of the sector constitute the driving force for the promotion of LGBTI+ rights? What are the reasons why some organizations participate in the regional space while others seem to remain outside of it? Did this space allow for the creation of solidarity networks of the organizations of the sector within their territories and then at the regional level? Did the inclusion of these rights as human rights allow for a change in the social and political perception of the collective? Did it or did it not contribute to a process that implies thinking about how and for whom the region is built?
A qualitative methodological strategy is used (Marradi et al., 2007; Vasilachis de Gialdino, 2014; Whittemore et al., 2001). The research design adopted is flexible. It seeks, at the same time, to bring new perspectives to an area of knowledge that has been, in certain senses, explored and to place these new perspectives in dialogue with areas that have been little studied. We privilege a view that allows us to account for new and unexpected situations related to the area under investigation (Whittemore et al., 2001) We also rely on the case study (Stake, 1995). The study carried out is at the same time exploratory, descriptive and analytical. For data collection, bibliographic and documentary review and qualified informants were used through semi-structured interviews. The data obtained are analyzed based on grounded interpretation (Stake, 1995) and their treatment consists of a critical analysis of the content.En un contexto en la que las discusiones en torno de las diversidades sexo-genéricas y sus derechos se han vuelto internacionales, tanto en un sentido teórico como en un sentido político, este trabajo coloca la mirada en la incorporación y el abordaje de una Agenda específica para el colectivo LGBTI+ para los países de América del Sur en el marco del proceso de integración regional más relevante: el Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR). Partiendo de enfoques feministas de las Relaciones Internacionales y de estudios sobre la integración regional sudamericana en las últimas décadas, se realiza un análisis exploratorio y descriptivo de la creación y devenir de la Comisión Permanente LGBTI, dependiente de la Reunión de Altas Autoridades de Derechos Humanos y Cancillerías del MERCOSUR y Estados Asociados (RAADDHH). Con ello, se busca realizar una primera aproximación que contribuya a identificar cómo han sido abordadas las cuestiones vinculadas a las diversidades sexo-genéricas en América del Sur: reconocer desde qué perspectivas se introdujeron estas discusiones en el bloque, cuáles han sido los actores más relevantes y cómo han contribuido en la construcción de sentidos sobre la región y de una propuesta política de desarrollo regional, pero también de políticas enfocadas en estos colectivos. Para ello, se realiza en primer lugar un recorrido teórico por los aportes de los feminismos —puntualmente aquellos aportes que abrevan en las Relaciones Internacionales y en los abordajes sobre las diversidades sexo-genéricas— y de los estudios de la integración regional que nos permiten enmarcar las discusiones que aquí presentamos. En segundo lugar, se explora la construcción de una Agenda para el colectivo LGBTI+ en el MERCOSUR a partir de dos momentos. En un primero, presentamos los antecedentes más relevantes para la creación de este espacio en el seno del bloque: la Reunión Especializada de la Mujer (REM), la Reunión de Ministras y Altas Autoridades de la Mujer (RMAAM) y la RAADDHH. En un segundo momento, se presenta el recorrido institucional que llevó a la instalación de la Comisión Permanente LGBT en 2015, deteniéndonos en las dinámicas de funcionamiento de este espacio, los actores gubernamentales y sociales participantes y las temáticas abordadas. Se recurre a una estrategia metodológica cualitativa, recalando en el estudio de caso. Para la recolección de datos se acude a la revisión bibliográfica y documental y a informantes calificados a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas. Se concluye que, en consonancia con lo que ocurre en otros espacios internacionales occidentales, los países de la región han buscado incorporar la temática dentro de una perspectiva más amplia de los derechos humanos, contribuyendo así a colocar el tema como un tema internacional que, además, resulta cercano a los enfoques de política exterior promovidos desde la región. Asimismo, se abren nuevas preguntas que balancean en cierta medida los logros descritos, al tiempo que abren una rica Agenda de investigación vinculada con el rol de los actores sociales y las implicancias de estas discusiones para la elaboración de políticas públicas, especialmente en un contexto global de aparente retroceso sobre los derechos humanos y los derechos de estos colectivos
CICERÓN Y LA INFLUENCIA HELÉNICA EN LA JURISPRUDENCIA ROMANA
No full textThe work of Roman jurisprudents is inseparable from Hellenic philosophy, which was largely incorporated into the Roman cultural heritage through Cicero\u27s work. Therefore, in the light of primary historical and literary sources, this paper aims to analyse how, thanks to the nature of Roman jurisprudence, Ciceronian thought of Hellenic origin provided a new philosophical pillar on which to base the work of the jurists. Thus, after having analysed the Hellenic influence on the birth of classical Roman jurisprudence during the last years of the Republic, we will now focus on the reception of Ciceronian academic doctrine in the thought of classical jurists. The study of this reception is decisive for a precise understanding of the basic jurisprudential concepts of iustitia and sapientia, as well as the subsequent jurisprudential development of ius gentium, mainly.La obra de los jurisprudentes romanos es indisociable de la filosofía helénica, incorporada en gran medida al acervo cultural romano por obra de Cicerón. Con base en ello, a la luz de las fuentes históricas y literarias primarias, el presente trabajo persigue analizar cómo, gracias a la naturaleza de la jurisprudencia romana, el pensamiento ciceroniano de cuño helénico otorgó un nuevo pilar filosófico sobre el que asentar la obra de los juristas. Así pues, tras haber analizado la influencia helénica en el nacimiento de la jurisprudencia romana clásica durante los últimos años de la República, nos detendremos en la recepción de la doctrina ciceroniana de origen académico en el pensamiento de los juristas clásicos. El estudio de esta recepción resulta determinante para entender con precisión los conceptos jurisprudenciales básicos de iustitia y de sapientia, así como el posterior desarrollo jurisprudencial del ius gentium, principalmente
¡Pinche negra, regrésate a tu país! Experiencias de borramiento en la narrativa de mujeres negras-afromexicanas
No full textSince the 1990s, a movement began advocating for the recognition of Black-Afromexican people and communities. This movement boosted the political participation of Black women, who went on to establish their own organizations to advocate for their own recognition and specific demands. In this context, and using the "racist-patriarchal erasure" as an analysis axis, from the perspective of the critical theory, we present results derived from our research into the bodily experiences of four Black-Afromexican women activists from the Costa Chica of Guerrero and Oaxaca as they combat racism within a patriarchal society. The research, using a qualitative approach, unfolded in four stages: 1. Field visit; 2. Construction of a "Public Memory" for each activist based on public documents; 3. Co-production of narratives from semi-structured interviews using photos as support; and 4. During narrative production, we scrutinized allusions to "racist-patriarchal erasure." We identified three dimensions of this erasure: Structural, Relational, and Corporal-Subjective. In the Structural dimension, we grouped narratives related to women\u27s experience of the historical denial of the existence of Black people in Mexico. In the Relational dimension, we identified allusions to the foreignization, exclusion and self-erasure experienced in different spaces of interaction. And, in the Corporal-Subjective dimension, we analyzed the subjective impact of experiences of exclusion and stigma on Black-Afromexican women, as well as the objectification and fragmentation of their bodies associated with their hyper sexualization. The work explores the consequences of Black women\u27s diverse experiences of resistance against patriarchal racist erasure, leading them to become activists fighting for their own recognition and acknowledging their self-determination as "proudly Black" women.A partir de la década de 1990 inició el movimiento por el reconocimiento de personas y pueblos negros-afromexicanos, en el que cobró visibilidad la participación política de las mujeres negras, quienes adicionalmente impulsaron sus propias organizaciones para la exigencia de su reconocimiento y de sus demandas particulares. En este contexto, tomando como eje de análisis el “borramiento racista-patriarcal”, desde una mirada de la teoría crítica, presentamos los resultados derivados de una investigación que tuvo como objetivo recuperar, reconstruir y comprender las experiencias corporales de cuatro mujeres activistas negras-afromexicanas de la Costa Chica de Guerrero y Oaxaca, México. La investigación con enfoque cualitativo la desarrollamos en cuatro etapas: 1. Acercamiento al campo; 2. Construcción de una “Memoria Pública” para cada una de las activistas a partir de documentos públicos; 3. Co-producción de narrativas a partir de entrevistas semiestructuradas con apoyo de fotografías y 4. Co-reconstrucción de la Memoria Pública. A partir de la producción de narrativas de las participantes analizamos las alusiones al borramiento racista-patriarcal, en las cuales identificamos tres dimensiones: Estructural, Relacional y Corporal-Subjetiva. En la dimensión estructural agrupamos narrativas relativas a la experiencia de las mujeres frente a la negación histórica de la existencia de personas negras en México; en la dimensión relacional identificamos alusiones a la extranjerización, exclusión y autoborrado experimentado en diferentes espacios de interacción y, en la dimensión corporal subjetiva, analizamos el impacto subjetivo ante experiencias de exclusión y estigma en las mujeres negras-afromexicanas, así como la objetivación y fragmentación de sus cuerpos asociadas a su hipersexualización. Discutimos en torno a las implicaciones para las mujeres negras de haber transitado por diferentes experiencias de resistencia frente al borramiento racista patriarcal, hasta asumirse activistas para su reconocimiento y autorreconocimiento como mujeres “orgullosamente negras”
Reseña de Emilio GONZÁLEZ FERRÍN (2024): ¿Qué es el islam?, Senderos, Sevilla, 198 páginas.
No full textThe book \u27¿Qué es el Islam?\u27 (2024) by Emilio González Ferrín, offers a fresh perspective on Islam, examining it from multiple dimensions. The author distinguishes between three types of Islam — religious, civilisational and contemporary — and argues that Islam as a civilisation preceded Islam as a religion. Through historical and critical analysis, he proposes that the Qur\u27an is a late compilation of monotheistic texts and that the traditional narrative of Islam\u27s origins is a retrospective construction by the Arabised civilisation of the ninth century. The author also examines the evolution of medieval Islam as a centre of cultural exchange, and its subsequent decline in the face of modernity. In the 19th century, European colonialism transformed Islam into a tool of resistance, resulting in the emergence of Muslim nationalisms in the 20th century. González Ferrín critiques the Eurocentric vision of linear progress, advocating an understanding of Islam that is free from stereotypes. His work is a notable addition to Islamic studies, challenging traditional interpretations and providing an interdisciplinary analysis that combines history, religion, and politics. By doing so, he encourages readers to reconsider Islam as a dynamic phenomenon, the essence of which lies in ethics and the liberation of peoples.El libro ¿Qué es el islam? (2024) de Emilio González Ferrín propone un enfoque innovador para comprender el islam desde una perspectiva multidimensional. El autor distingue tres tipos de islam: el religioso, el civilizacional y el contemporáneo, argumentando que el Islam (civilización) precedió al islam (religión). A través de un análisis histórico-crítico, plantea que el Corán fue una recopilación tardía de textos monoteístas y que la narrativa tradicional sobre el surgimiento del islam responde a una construcción retrospectiva de la civilización arabizada del siglo IX. Asimismo, examina la evolución del Islam medieval como un espacio de intercambio cultural y su posterior declive ante la modernidad. En el siglo XIX, el colonialismo europeo propició la transformación del islam en una herramienta de resistencia, derivando en nacionalismos musulmanes en el siglo XX. González Ferrín critica la visión eurocéntrica del progreso lineal y aboga por una comprensión del islam libre de estereotipos. Su obra representa una contribución significativa a los estudios islámicos, desafiando interpretaciones tradicionales y ofreciendo un análisis interdisciplinario que integra historia, religión y política. Con ello, invita a repensar el islam como un fenómeno dinámico cuya esencia radica en la ética y la liberación de los pueblos
As políticas educacionais orientadas pelas avaliações em larga escala estão nos conduzindo a um beco sem saída?
No full textThe paper, based on a sample of Brazilian academic output in recent years on the subject of educational reforms, sets out to show that there is a confluence between policies that, taken separately, seem unrelated. With large-scale external assessment policies as the catalyst, the changes in curriculum, teacher training and funding policies seem, based on the evidence found in the research, to be leading school education down a blind alley towards subjection to assessments as the organizing axis of pedagogical work under the rhetoric of promoting quality, in initiatives that are congruent with international debates.
Al consultar una muestra de la producción académica brasileña de los últimos años sobre el tema de las reformas educativas, el texto se propone demostrar que existe una confluencia entre políticas que, tomadas por separado, parecen no estar relacionadas. Con las políticas de evaluación externa a gran escala como catalizador, los cambios en las políticas curriculares, de formación de profesores y de financiación parecen, a partir de las evidencias encontradas en la investigación, estar llevando a la educación escolar por un callejón sin salida hacia la sujeción a las evaluaciones como eje organizador del trabajo pedagógico bajo la retórica de la promoción de la calidad, en iniciativas que están en consonancia con los debates internacionales.
En consultant un échantillon de la production académique brésilienne de ces dernières années sur le thème des réformes éducatives, le texte vise à démontrer qu\u27il existe une confluence entre des politiques qui, prises séparément, semblent ne pas avoir de lien entre elles. Avec les politiques d\u27évaluation externe à grande échelle comme catalyseur, les changements dans le curriculum, la formation des enseignants et les politiques de financement semblent, d\u27après les preuves trouvées dans la recherche, conduire l\u27éducation scolaire dans une impasse vers la soumission aux évaluations comme axe d\u27organisation du travail pédagogique sous la rhétorique de la promotion de la qualité, dans des initiatives qui sont en ligne avec les débats internationaux.
A partir da consulta a uma amostra da produção acadêmica brasileira dos últimos anos sobre a temática das reformas educacionais, o texto se propõe a demonstrar haver uma confluência entre políticas que, tomadas separadamente, não parecem ter relação. Tendo como elemento catalizador as políticas de avaliações externas em larga escala, as mudanças havidas nas políticas curriculares, de formação de professores e de financiamento parecem, a partir das evidências apuradas nas pesquisas, estar conduzindo a educação escolar a um beco sem saída para a sujeição às avaliações como eixo organizador do trabalho pedagógico sob a retórica da promoção da qualidade, em iniciativas congruentes com debates havidos no plano internacional
Propuestas para caracterizar la noción de razonamiento convincente
No full textWe explore the features that determine whether or not a certain reasoning is a good reasoning. The good reasonings (in the relevant sense) are the cogent reasonings, according to a very broad interpretation of this concept. The appropriate analysis requires identifying a certain goal or purpose of reasoning: to rationally foster in the addressee the belief in the conclusion. It is also required that the procedure be rational, in accordance with criteria close to the idea of Gricean procedure. According to our definition, whether a reasoning is cogent is an extrinsic feature of the reasoning, relative to the system of beliefs of the addressee. But the implicated relativism is not implausible. Furthermore, this approach allows to characterize a certain absolute, not relative, notion of cogent reasoning; such a characterization would invoke the epistemic quality of the system of beliefs of the addressee. The debate is illustrated by examining Moore’s Proof of the existence of an external world.Investigamos los rasgos que establecen si un razonamiento es o no un buen razonamiento. Los buenos razonamientos (en el sentido relevante) son los razonamientos convincentes [cogent], según una interpretación muy amplia de este concepto. El análisis apropiado requiere identificar un determinado fin o propósito del razonamiento: fomentar racionalmente en su destinatario la creencia en la conclusión. También se requiere que el procedimiento sea racional, conforme a criterios cercanos a la idea de procedimiento griceano. Según nuestra definición, que un razonamiento sea convincente es un rasgo extrínseco del razonamiento, relativo al sistema de creencias del destinatario. Pero el relativismo resultante no resulta implausible. Además, este enfoque permite caracterizar una cierta noción de razonamiento convincente de forma absoluta, no relativa; dicha caracterización invocaría la calidad epistémica del sistema de creencias del destinatario del razonamiento. Se ilustra el debate examinando la prueba de Moore de la existencia del mundo externo