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Elementos para una estrategia de política exterior mexicana con perspectiva LGBTQI+
No full textIn the most recent years, Mexico has incorporated the promotion and protection of the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender queer and intersexual people (LGBTQI+) into its foreign policy. This expansion has been triggered by the accelerated recognition of the rights of these groups within Mexico itself, where substantial legal reforms have led to same-sex marriage, the inclusion of transgender and non-binary identities in official documents and a nation-wide ban of the so-called conversion therapies. This article intends to identify possible common guidelines and objectives which might link all the activities of Mexico in this field with a specific strategy aimed at safeguarding the rights of the LGBTQI+ community at the international level. To this end, the methodological approach used has been a qualitative analysis of a vast array of literature and official documents issued by Mexican authorities including work programmes, statements and press releases. Resolutions, decisions and reports of international organizations such as the United Nations Organization (UNO), the Human Rights Council (HRC) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have also been carefully examined. For the sole purpose of this paper, a holistic approach of the concept of the LGBTQI+ community has been chosen instead of opting for a disaggregation in diverse categories. The basic hypothesis has been that, although Mexican international activities in favour of LGBTQI+ rights have recently been carried out, they have not been based on a comprehensive, dedicated strategy within the framework of Mexican Foreign Policy. The analysis has included the most important achievements in LGBTQI+ rights in Mexico and how these have been reflected in two categories of the work done by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mexico (SRE): 1) administrative measures implemented by the Ministry at Mexican offices abroad and 2) the participation of Mexico in the discussion of LGBTQI+ —related matters at the bilateral and, more importantly, at the multilateral level in International Organizations. Regarding the administrative rules, Mexican transgender people can nowadays obtain birth certificates (since 2022) and passports (2016) with an updated gender marker at Mexican embassies and consulates, where same-sex marriages have also been performed since 2019. Furthermore, non-binary identity markers can also be included in Mexican passports since 2023. All Mexican offices outside Mexico have put in practice a safe zone policy, declaring the premises of embassies and consulates as discrimination-free spaces. In this regard it is important to stress that the main beneficiaries of these measures have been LGBTQI+ members of the Mexican communities abroad, particularly in the United States of America, where approximately thirty seven million people are entitled to Mexican citizenship and, therefore, represent a politically appealing group with voting rights. The second area where Mexico has contributed to upholding the rights of LGBTQI+ people in the international arena is the dialogue with other states and in intergovernmental fora. In this context, the analysis of the available documents showed no clear evidence that the topics of sexual orientation, gender identity and gender expression (SOGIE) had been included in the work agendas of bilateral meetings held by Mexico with other countries. On the contrary, Mexico has been active in the discussions on these issues within the scope of the UNO, the HRC and OAS. Concerning the UNO in New York, Mexico has supported various resolutions where the concept of sexual orientation has been introduced and has also been a member of the United Nations LGBTI Core Group since 2016. In the HRC, Mexico has voted in favour of several resolutions on SOGIE, supported the appointment of an Independent Expert on Protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, and makes recommendations on SOGIE to other states as a part of the Universal Periodic Review, although this course of action has not always been a permanent practice. With respect to other organizations under the umbrella of the UNO, a backlash against the consideration of any LGBTQI+ issues in their work is currently gaining momentum, spearheaded by countries that still criminalize homosexuality and gender identity and / or expression. Mexico has played an active role in defending the inclusion of SOGIE references in documents approved by such entities as the World Health Organization, the International Labour Organization and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Particular emphasis must be placed on the work done within the OAS in benefit of LGBTQI+ people such as the creation of a LGBT Core Group in 2016 (with Mexico as a founding member), the annual approval of an omnibus Resolution on the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights (with a special section on LGBTQI+ rights) and the adoption of the Inter-American Convention against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance on the 5th of June, 2023, which Mexico signed and ratified. Despite all these positive measures and activities, based on the annual work programmes issued by the division in charge of Human Rights at the SRE, the efforts towards protecting LGBTQI+ rights have been rather conceptualised as a component of a more general objective of promoting issues related to gender and anti-discrimination. Moreover, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people are frequently mentioned along with other socially disadvantaged groups. Consequently, after a thorough review of the available data, it can be stated that there is presently no specialized strategy of the Mexican Foreign Policy consecrated to LGBTQI+ rights. Nevertheless, there is sufficient ground for advocating such a specific approach, in view of the recent Mexican activism in this field and the fact that homosexuality and gender expression are still criminalised in sixty countries around the world, of which seven impose the death penalty for homosexual acts between consenting adults. At a first stage, a specially designed Mexican strategy could focus on the most urgent and achievable goals, some of which could be: the decriminalisation of homosexuality (particularly in the Caribbean nations which have yet to abolish their legal provisions in this matter), the prohibition in the entirety of the American Continent of any sort of discrimination based on SOGIE, and the outlawing of conversion therapies. These topics should also be introduced not only in the work agendas of bilateral meetings but also in the recommendations which Mexico presents during the HRC Universal Periodic Review of countries where the LGBTQI+ community still faces serious challenges. Finally, a dedicated strategy of the Mexican Foreign Policy geared towards the international protection of the rights of LGBTQI+ people could strengthen the reputation of Mexico as a staunch ally in the promotion of human rights and anti-discrimination policies around the globe.La promoción y la defensa de los derechos de las personas lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transexuales, transgénero, cuir, intersexuales y de otras identidades (LGBTQI+) han sido incorporadas de manera paulatina en la política exterior de México en los años más recientes. El objetivo de este trabajo ha sido tratar de identificar las eventuales líneas generales que podrían vincular todas las actividades que México ha puesto en marcha en esa materia dentro una posible estrategia específica de política exterior con perspectiva LGBTQI+. El enfoque metodológico utilizado ha sido un análisis cualitativo exhaustivo de documentación (programas de trabajo, informes, discursos, comunicados de prensa) de entidades oficiales mexicanas y organizaciones internacionales, así como de bibliografía especializada. Para ello, se ha priorizado una consideración holística del conjunto de identidades LGBTQI+, primordialmente por razones de practicidad en el análisis. El estudio abarcó dos áreas prioritarias de las actividades llevadas a cabo por México hasta la primera mitad de 2024. En primer lugar, se revisó la aplicación de medidas administrativas que han facilitado el reconocimiento de la orientación sexual, la expresión y la identidad de género (OSIEG) en los documentos oficiales mexicanos que se expiden en las embajadas y los consulados de México, así como las actividades que esas oficinas instrumentan en beneficio del colectivo. El segundo ámbito examinado fue el trabajo que México realiza tanto en el plano bilateral como en organizaciones multilaterales e intergubernamentales donde se discuten iniciativas en favor de la comunidad LGBTQI+, como lo son la Organización de Naciones Unidas, el Consejo de Derechos Humanos y la Organización de Estados Americanos. De la revisión efectuada, se concluye que las acciones afirmativas realizadas por México hasta ahora se enmarcan en su mayor parte en políticas generales de género y en la lucha contra la discriminación que sufren diversos grupos sociales vulnerables, sin focalización exclusiva a los derechos del colectivo. Sin embargo, las amenazas institucionalizadas en contra de la seguridad y la integridad de las personas LGBTQI+ en muchas partes del mundo justificarían que las autoridades mexicanas decidieran conformar una estrategia particular de política exterior con visión específica LGBTQI+. Esa estrategia podría construir sobre lo realizado hasta ahora, pero centrándose, en una primera etapa, en tratar de alcanzar metas concretas que podrían incluir, entre otros objetivos: la despenalización de la homosexualidad en aquellos países que aún la criminalizan; la proscripción de todo tipo de discriminación con base en OSIEG y la prohibición de las llamadas terapias de conversión. Lo anterior, se podría poner en práctica en primera instancia en la relación con los países del continente americano, que es la región geográfica donde México puede ejercer mayor influencia
Actores LGBT, grupos de artes marciales y grupos de artes rituales, y construcción del estado en el Timor Oriental posconflicto
No full textDespite decades of research on women’s involvement in political violence, it remains assumed that the modal participant in a wide variety of extra-governmental political organizations which engage in violence is (young) and (cishetero)male. Despite decades of research on the diversity of politically violent organizations by specialists studying each organization, scholars, especially political scientists, continue to treat these organizations as if generalizations about them are intellectually useful. Taking these common assumptions for granted, one would seriously underestimate the complexity of ritual/martial arts groups (RAGs and MAGs) in Timor-Leste. Men are the majority of members of Timor-Leste’s RAGs and MAGs, and MAGs have been characterized as gangs, extremist organizations, and irregular forces by scholars and policymakers.
Reading these two facts, however, often produces reductive understandings of these organizations —in terms of their membership, structure, and even political role. With the understanding that the majority of these organizations’ members are men often comes the idea that men join their organizations to engage in making violence, inspired by the traditionally understood push and pull factors for violent extremism like unemployment, poverty, lack of education, and opportunity. Members have been characterized as “social outcasts” who are “prone to alcohol abuse and violence” including “street fighting, assault, murder and extortion”. If RAGs and MAGs are (largely) reduced to outlets of male aggression for their participants, the organizations themselves are simultaneously treated as criminal, and responsible for myriad political, economic, and social issues. Our research interrogates this simple framing and finds that there is much more to (gender and) RAG and MAG membership than one-dimensional stories suggest.
The article finds that RAG and MAG members in Timor-Leste are not all cishetero men, and that these organizations’ LGBT members strategically negotiate and present gender identities. Looking more closely at these negotiations paints a picture of RAG and MAG members as political agents beyond violent hypermasculinity. This article uses ethnographic, semi-structured interviews with ten RAG and MAG members who identify as LGBT to get a deeper understanding of how they fit into their organizations, how they navigate them, and what they do as members. We discuss the findings within the context of the assumed violent, masculine depiction of RAGs and MAGs and argue that we must re-think LGBT membership in these groups in Timor-Leste within a broader framework of understanding the relationships between agency, violence, and gender, both in Timor-Leste and in global politics generally. To this end, we discuss LGBT RAG and MAG members’ self-understandings of their organizations as builders of community and state in the context of the organisations’ gender diversity. We start by contextualizing RAGs and MAGs in post-conflict Timor-Leste before discussing the interviews that we did and the methods we used to collect and analyse data. We then present our data analysis in three sections —engaging questions about genders and sexualities in RAGs and MAGs in Timor-Leste, these organizations’ relationships to their communities and their propensities (or lack thereof) to violence, and then these organizations’ role in community-building and state-building. We conclude by arguing that openness to seeing more complexities in gender and sexuality within RAGs and MAGs can also show more complexities in their activities, including but not limited to community-building and state-building.
It is our argument that the substantial and meaningful roles that RAGs and MAGs play in community-building and state-building is obscured by the tendency to reduce these organizations to gangs, and that the tendency to reduce these organizations to gangs is bound up in a (mis)reading of them as hypermasculine outlets for male violence. We see, both through our observations and through our interviewees’ eyes, more complexity in and around sex and gender roles and sexed and gendered agency than most media or even scholarly coverage of RAGs and MAGs captures. We suggest that these complexities are meaningful not only for the participation of LGBT members in RAGs and MAGs but also for thinking about what those organisations are and how they work.
The LGBT RAG and MAG members who we talked to are people who might otherwise be invisible to analysis of RAGs and MAGs that treat them (exclusively) as gangs which do violence around and against the state, cause disruptions and make trouble, and that see them as having (exclusively) young, cishetero, male members. Seeing the ways that LGBT RAG and MAG members curate their sexual and gender identities to suit the needs of their lives and their organization membership helps us to understand the complexity and fungibility of roles in, and agency in, these RAGs and MAGs. Looking at how LGBT members of RAGs and MAGs change and grow their organizations’ notions of brotherhood to create and protect bonds among LGBT members across organizations reveals to us that the mechanisms under which RAGs and MAGs operate are multidimensional. Engaging with the ways in which LGBT members of these organizations understand their RAGs’ and MAGs’ relationship with violence provides a starting point to (re)think the political positionalities of RAG and MAG members and indeed of the organizations themselves.
Our beginnings of this rethinking suggest that looking more broadly at these groups’ gender dynamics and (therefore) at their scope and function provides the ability to see them not only as more than violent, but as actors that do community-building and state-building work. There are many ways in which our research is quite preliminary: we had access to a small number of LGBT interviewees who gave us information about their organizations, and we have not had the opportunity to look at if (and if so, how) RAG and MAG community-building and state-building measures are seen by, understood by, or of benefit to, anyone other than our LGBT interviewees —particularly, either non-LGBT members of the groups or people outside of the groups. Further, while our findings run contrary to a broad consensus among international organizations that classify RAGs and MAGs as gangs, we are confident that our participants have helped us to see more to these organizations —a confidence bolstered by similar though not exactly the same findings by other scholars who are experts in post-conflict Timor-Leste. That said, we hope that this article’s findings, and those of our other work, open a dialogue for further and more in-depth research in this area, which we hope comes to include more scholars of Timor-Leste from Timor-Leste.
Even with all of these caveats, however, we think that there is something important here —for thinking about RAGs and MAGs in Timor-Leste, and for feminist and queer approaches to thinking about global politics more broadly. For thinking about RAGs and MAGs in Timor-Leste, we think that it is important to see complexities in gender configurations, and that seeing complexities in those gender configurations help to show otherwise-invisible complexities surrounding questions of organization activity, organization violence, and organization politics. For feminist and queer approaches to global politics generally, this exploration bolsters the feminist argument that blindness to gender in global politics obscures more than gender, but also other dynamics that are necessarily related to gender and genderings. It also suggests that there is payoff in seeing not only local contextual dimensions of genders and sexualities, but the ways in which those local contextual dimensions shape gender perceptions, gender structures, organization structures, and even politics more broadly.La participación en grupos de artes marciales y grupos de artes rituales en el Timor Oriental posconflicto se asocia frecuentemente con masculinidades militarizadas, lo que genera vínculos entre los hombres y la violencia. Estas asociaciones tienden a simplificar excesivamente y descontextualizar la pertenencia a los grupos de artes marciales y rituales. Utilizando datos contextuales y entrevistas con miembros LGBT de estos grupos, argumentamos que estas simplificaciones no se sostienen: las masculinidades en ambos grupos varían significativamente, y no pueden reducirse a estar asociados con la violencia política. Este artículo utiliza entrevistas etnográficas y semiestructuradas con diez miembros LGBT de ambos grupos para comprender cómo encajan en sus organizaciones, cómo las abordan y qué hacen como miembros. Discutimos estos hallazgos en el contexto de las representaciones estereotipadas de ambos grupos como violentos y masculinos, y argumentamos que es necesario replantear la membresía LGBT en estos grupos dentro de un marco más amplio que considere las relaciones entre agencia, violencia y género, tanto en Timor Oriental como en la política global. En nuestro diálogo con los participantes, encontramos que desafían las asociaciones estereotípicas de género y que ven a las organizaciones en las que participan como agentes de construcción del estado, en lugar de violencia extralegal. Comenzamos contextualizando los grupos de artes marciales y rituales en el Timor Oriental posconflicto antes de discutir las entrevistas realizadas y los métodos de análisis de datos. Luego, presentamos el análisis en tres secciones: preguntas sobre géneros y sexualidades en los grupos de artes marciales y rituales, la relación de estas organizaciones con sus comunidades y su propensión (o falta de ella) a la violencia, y su papel en la construcción de comunidad y del estado. Concluimos argumentando que una apertura a la complejidad de género y sexualidad dentro de ambos grupos puede revelar también complejidades en sus actividades, incluidas la construcción de comunidad y del estado
VALORES AUTORITARIOS VERSUS DEMOCRÁTICOS ¿EXISTE UN CONFLICTO INTERGENERACIONAL?UN ANÁLISIS DE LA WOLRD VALUE SURVEY
No full textThe emergence and expansion of values and attitudes supporting authoritarian options and policies has become a central concern in contemporary political science research. The term democratic backsliding has been coined in political science to refer to this process, whose causes and consequences remain imprecisely understood. There is broad consensus in describing it as a phenomenon of cultural change in which social values characteristic of pre-postmodern societies reemerge. However, there is no widespread agreement on which type of citizens are driving this change. Using the most recent data from the World Values Survey, this article offers an analysis aimed at enriching the ongoing academic debate: who champions the rise of autocratic values, the youngest or the eldest?Una preocupación central en la investigación politológica de nuestros días es la aparición o extensión de valores y actitudes que respaldan opciones y políticas autoritarias. En la ciencia política se ha acuñado el término de democratic baksliding, que hace referencia a este proceso de cambio cuyas causas y consecuencias aún no se dilucidan con precisión. Aunque existe un amplio consenso en describirlo como un fenómeno de cambio cultural por el cual reaparecen valores sociales característicos de sociedades previas a las denominadas posmodernas, no hay un acuerdo generalizado sobre qué tipo de ciudadanos son los que promueven este cambio. Usando los datos más recientes de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, este artículo aporta un análisis que busca dar respuesta a la pregunta que hoy día divide a los académicos respecto al supuesto conflicto intergeneracional: ¿quién abandera el auge de valores autocráticos, los más jóvenes o los mayores
El préstamo participativo: consecuencias prácticas de su contabilidad
No full textProfit participation loans are a viable financing alternative, especially for SMEs and start-ups. The multiplicity of features they present -variable interest, participation of the lender, the possibility of early repayment, and subordination or consideration as equity-, make them an attractive yet complex instrument. They are worth analyzing for two main reasons; the first is the legal consequences they may have on companies, while the second is the accounting implications of treating these loans as equity in accordance with Royal Decree-Law 7/1996, and whether it is possible to make a more extensive interpretation of its dispositions to include cases not specifically mentioned in the law.El préstamo participativo se sitúa como una alternativa de financiación viable, sobre todo, para pymes y empresas de nueva creación. La multiplicidad de caracteres que presenta -interés variable, participación del prestamista, amortización anticipada, subordinación o consideración como patrimonio neto- lo configuran como un instrumento atractivo, a la vez que complejo. Merece la pena analizar, por su potencial implicación en la vida societaria, la consideración contable del préstamo como patrimonio neto en los supuestos tasados por el RDL 7/1996 y proceder al debate, aun sucintamente, sobre la posibilidad de realizar una interpretación extensiva a supuestos no recogidos en la norma. 
MÁS PENAS, MENOS GARANTÍAS: EL RIESGO DE LEGISLAR BAJO LA PRESIÓN DEL POPULISMO PUNITIVO. UN EJEMPLO A TRAVÉS DE LA LO 10/2022 Y EL PRINCIPIO DE LEGALIDAD
No full textThe so-called «expansion» of Criminal Law is one of the defining features of contemporary criminal policy. This paper aims to explore its main causes and analyze its most significant consequences. To this end, the study is divided into two parts. First, it examines the concepts of punitive populism and symbolic criminal law to explain the current misuse of criminal legislation. Second, it explores the impact of these practices on constitutional criminal principles. In particular, through the reform of the Penal Code introduced by Organic Law 10/2022, it explains how the populist use of Criminal Law leads to the violation of the most fundamental democratic criminal principles. In conclusion, the objective is to highlight the risks that the improper use of criminal law—both in its drafting and judicial application—poses to the values that form the foundation of the Social and Democratic Rule of Law.La llamada «expansión» del Derecho Penal es una de las notas distintivas de la política criminal actual. El presente trabajo trata de explorar sus principales causas y analizar las consecuencias más relevantes. Para ello, el trabajo se divide en dos partes. En primer lugar, se abordarán los conceptos de populismo punitivo y derecho penal simbólico, para explicar el mal uso que hoy en día se le da a la legislación penal. En segundo lugar, se explorarán las consecuencias que estas prácticas tienen para los principios penales constitucionales. En particular, a través de la reforma del Código Penal introducida por la LO 10/2022, se explica cómo el uso populista del Derecho penal conlleva el quebranto de los más elementales principios penales democráticos. En conclusión, se trata de exponer los riesgos que un mal uso de la ley penal -en cuanto a su elaboración y aplicación judicial- presenta para los valores que constituyen la base del Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho.
 
EXPANSION OF CONTROL OF ECONOMIC CONCENTRATION OPERATIONS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
No full textEl trabajo aborda las modificaciones producidas en los últimos tiempos en materia de umbrales o requisitos legales exigidos para que una operación de concentración económica se someta a control por parte de la Comisión Europea o las autoridades nacionales de defensa de la competencia. Especialmente se analizan los supuestos de aplicación de la norma de reenvío de las operaciones de concentración a la Comisión Europea que no reúnen los umbrales comunitarios o nacionales para su control; las operaciones de concentración llevadas a cabo por las empresas designadas como Gatekeepers según lo establecido en la DMA; las concentraciones en las que intervienen empresas que han recibido subvenciones extranjeras que distorsionan el mercado europeo; y, finalmente, la posibilidad de aplicar la norma que prohíbe el abuso de posición dominante a las operaciones no sujetas legalmente a control pero que producen una distorsión anticompetitiva del mercado.This paper addresses the modifications produced in recent times in terms of thresholds or legal requirements demanded for an economic concentration operation to be subject to control by the European Commission or national competition authorities. In particular, the application of the rule of referral of concentration operations to the European Commission to cases which do not meet the community or national thresholds of control; the concentration operations carried out by companies designated as Gatekeepers as established in the DMA; the concentrations in which companies thay have received foreign subsidies that distort the European market; and, finally, the possibility of applying the rule that prohibits the abuse of a dominant position to operations that are not legally subject to control but that produce an anti-competitive distortion of the market
El diseño arquitectónico de cafeterías al “estilo americano” en la Zaragoza de los 50: una necesidad de los tiempos modernos / Architectural design of “American-style” cafés in the Zaragoza of the 1950s: a necessity of the modern times
No full textThis article presents an analysis of several projects for cafés designed in the “American style” in Zaragoza in the 1950s. The purpose is to assess how these privately developed establishments represented an early reintroduction of the language of modern architecture after the hiatus that followed the Spanish Civil War. Those years witnessed the first symptoms of economic and social improvement and, therefore, an increase in the standard of living. This atmosphere of prosperity favoured the emergence of several businesses, as was the case with the cafés, which were named after exotic European and American capitals –Las Vegas, Florida, Italia or París– and lent a touch of modernity. These novel establishments revealed, from their layout to the services offered, an admiration for all things American and were designed based on a functional and decorative sense, in line with the zeitgeist of the 1950s.Este artículo se centra en el análisis de varios proyectos de cafeterías formulados al “estilo americano” en la década de los cincuenta en Zaragoza. La finalidad es valorar cómo en este tipo de establecimientos, promovidos por iniciativa privada, se retomó de manera temprana el lenguaje de la arquitectura moderna tras el impasse de la contienda civil. En estos años se advirtieron los primeros síntomas de mejora económica y social y, con ella, el aumento del nivel de vida de la sociedad. Este clima de bonanza favoreció la apertura de un buen número de comercios como fue el caso de las cafeterías, cuyos nombres –Las Vegas, Florida, Italia o París– evocaban exóticas capitales americanas y europeas y daban un toque de modernidad. Estos novedosos locales delataban, desde su trazado hasta el servicio ofrecido, la admiración por lo estadounidense y se planteaban con un sentido funcional y decorativo conforme al zeitgeist de los cincuent
EL JUEGO: UNA ESTRATEGIA DIDÁCTICA COUBERTINIANA DE VIGENCIA ACTUAL PARA LA EDUCACIÓN FÍSICA DEL ALUMNADO DE SECUNDARIA
No full textFollowing a research process on the teaching of Physical Education at the secondary school IES ROJO—employing document analysis, semi-structured interviews with teachers and students, and non-participant observation—several critical weaknesses were identified: (1) low student motivation toward the subject; (2) limited student engagement during lessons; and (3) a predominance of traditional instructional approaches that offer minimal student autonomy. In response to these findings, a didactic program was developed as an intervention proposal for students in the fourth year of compulsory secondary education. This program is grounded in active learning methodologies and game-based teaching strategies, aiming to foster greater student involvement and autonomy in the learning process.Tras un proceso de investigación sobre la enseñanza de la Educación Física en el centro educativo objeto de estudio IES ROJO utilizando las técnicas: análisis documental, entrevista a profesorado y alumnado y observación no participativa; se obtuvieron como resultado las siguientes debilidades: 1) falta de motivación del alumnado hacia la asignatura; 2) poco compromiso por parte del alumnado durante las clases; y 3) sesiones impartidas bajo enfoques tradicionales, en las que se le concede poca autonomía al alumnado. Como alternativa a las circunstancias señaladas, se elaboró una programación didáctica (PD) como propuesta de intervención dirigida al alumnado de 4º de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria (ESO), basada en el uso de metodologías activas (MMAA), y estrategias didácticas basadas en el juego
Never a finer army». Arqueología e historia de la batalla de Vitoria, 1813
No full textIn the context of the Peninsular War (1808-1814), the Battle of Vitoria took place on June 21, 1813. On the outskirts of this city in northern Spain, the allied army faced three French armies that were retreating towards their country. The Napoleonic defeat was a turning point. One of the crucial episodes in this clash was the fighting developed on the southern flank, in the Mountains of Vitoria. This article presents the results of an in-depth historical analysis together with the data obtained from the first archaeological intervention campaign. After a brief introduction, we describe the ways of fighting of the light infantry, the historical details of the action and the results of the archaeological surveys. We end with a discussion on battlefield archaeology and some conclusions.En el contexto de la Guerra de la Independencia o Guerra Peninsular (1808-1814), el 21 de junio de 1813 tuvo lugar la batalla de Vitoria. A las afueras de esta ciudad del norte de España, el ejército aliado se enfrentó a tres ejércitos franceses que se retiraban hacía su país. La derrota napoleónica fue un punto de inflexión. Uno de los episodios cruciales en este choque fueron los combates desarrollados en el flanco sur, en los montes de Vitoria. En este artículo se presentan los resultados de un profundo análisis histórico junto a los datos obtenidos de una primera campaña de intervención arqueológica. Tras una breve introducción, se detallan las formas de combatir de la infantería ligera, los pormenores históricos de la acción en estos montes y se presentan los resultados de las prospecciones arqueológicas. Finalizamos con una discusión sobre arqueología de campos de batalla y unas conclusiones
Mary Tudor: anti-model or model of female covrtesanship
No full textMary Tudor, daughter of Catherine of Aragon and Henry VIII, and wife of Philip II, has traditionally been known as ‘Bloody Mary’. The negative image traditionnally associated with her in England is based on a series of texts, images, pamphlets, sermons, literary works, historical interpretations, and even films that have shaped the memory of this historical figure. Today, a range of research is questioning this image of England’s first queen. In this study, we aim to show how, in reality, Mary Tudor was a queen who received an exemplary education and a monarch who set numerous precedents for the women who reigned after her death.María Tudor, hija de Catalina de Aragón y de Enrique VIII de Inglaterra, y esposa de Felipe II, ha sido tradicionalmente conocida como ‘Bloody Mary’, María la Sangrienta. La imagen tan negativa que se ha tenido de ella en Inglaterra se basa en toda una serie de textos, imágenes, panfletos, sermones, obras literarias, interpretaciones históricas, e incluso películas que han marcado el recuerdo que se tiene de esta figura histórica. En la actualidad, toda una serie de investigaciones están cuestionando esta imagen de la que fue la primera reina de Inglaterra. En este estudio, pretendemos mostrar cómo, en realidad, María Tudor fue una reina que recibió una formación ejemplar y que estableció numerosos precedentes para las mujeres que reinaron tras su muerte