Portal de revistas electrónicas de la UAM (Univ. Autónoma de Madrid)
Not a member yet
14423 research outputs found
Sort by
Luces Verdes, Amarillas y Rojas al Innovar la Enseñanza de las Ciencias
No full textStrengthening scientific education is crucial for shaping competent citizens committed to sustainable development. This involves promoting innovative teaching practices that foster the development of scientific competencies and active student engagement. However, their enactment can be challenging. We conducted a thematic content analysis of the written reflections that 49 science teachers who participate in a graduate Diploma in Education shared after conducting an innovative micro-class (i.e. including inquiry, problem-solving, metacognitive activities, or ICTs). We characterized the aspects they identified as strengths, aspects that demand further analysis and opportunities for improvement in their teaching practices, following the “Green, yellow and red Lights” visible thinking routine. As “green lights”, teachers highlighted the positive effects that their new practices had on student participation and learning. As “yellow lights”, they identified their difficulties to accurately estimate the time participatory activities require, and a tension between adhering to their plans and maintaining authentic dialogues with students. As “red lights”, they pointed out the lack of foresight regarding necessary resources and appropriate work dynamics. Our results highlight the necessity for practicing teachers to implement innovations and reflect on their effects and challenges as a key element for their professional developmentFortalecer la educación científica es clave para formar ciudadanos competentes y comprometidos con el desarrollo sostenible. Esto implica promover prácticas de enseñanza innovadoras, que fomenten el desarrollo de competencias científicas y la participación activa de los estudiantes, cuya implementación puede ser desafiante. Realizamos un análisis temático del contenido de las reflexiones escritas de 49 docentes de Ciencias experimentados, que cursan un posgrado en educación, tras desarrollar una microclase con innovaciones como actividades de indagación, resolución de problemas, metacognición e inclusión de TICs. Caracterizamos los aspectos que identificaron como fortalezas, a revisar y a modificar en sus prácticas, en la rutina de pensamiento ‘Luces verdes, amarillas y rojas’. Como ‘luces verdes’, los docentes destacaron los efectos positivos de las nuevas prácticas en la participación y aprendizaje de sus estudiantes. Como ‘luces amarillas’ mencionaron la insuficiente estimación del tiempo de clase y la tensión entre seguir lo planificado y sostener diálogos auténticos con los estudiantes. Como ‘luces rojas’ señalaron la falta de previsión de los recursos necesarios y de las dinámicas de trabajo apropiadas. Es necesario que los docentes en ejercicio implementen innovaciones y reflexionen sobre sus efectos y desafíos como elemento clave para su desarrollo profesiona
Actitud hacia la Homosexualidad (EAH-10) en el Alumnado Universitario
No full textThis work delves into the analysis of the attitudes of university students towards the homosexual community. The Scale of Attitude towards Homosexuality (EAH-10) has been used with the aim of studying the relationship between such attitude and some sociodemographic variables; some psychometric properties of the scale have also been analyzed. A survey-type investigation is exposed in which 693 students from the University of Huelva (Spain) have participated. The results show that the attitudes in which a greater rejection of homosexuality is intuited are those that correspond to the male gender, with those students who have religious beliefs, who define themselves as heterosexual and those who study in technical degrees. It has also been possible to verify that the scale improves considerably by removing some items (although the original structure of two factors is ratified: acceptance and rejection). In conclusion, it is noted that it is necessary to propose more inclusive educational actions to integrate training in equality and sexual diversity into university curricula.Este trabajo profundiza en el análisis de las actitudes del alumnado universitario hacia el colectivo homosexual. Se ha utilizado la Escala de Actitud hacia la Homosexualidad (EAH-10) con el objetivo de estudiar la relación entre dicha actitud con algunas variables sociodemográficas; también se han analizado algunas de sus propiedades psicométricas. Se expone una investigación de tipo encuesta en la que han participado 693 estudiantes de la Universidad de Huelva (España). Los resultados demuestran que las actitudes en las que se intuye un mayor rechazo hacia la homosexualidad son las que se corresponden con el género masculino, con aquel alumnado que se considera creyente, quienes se definen como heterosexuales y quienes estudian en titulaciones técnicas. También se ha podido comprobar que la escala mejora considerablemente al suprimir varios ítems (aunque se ratifica la estructura original de dos factores: aceptación y rechazo) obteniendo un Alfa de Cronbach de 0,83. Como conclusión, se advierte necesario plantear acciones educativas más inclusivas para integrar en los planes de estudios universitarios una formación en igualdad y diversidad sexual
Género y memoria en el cine palestino. Debates y controversias en torno a Farha
No full textThe paper presents a discussion from a gender perspective on the representations of the nakba in Palestinian cultural and political history as a site of memory. It investigates the narratives built around this fundamental event of its history, as well as its reverberations within the community and its identity construction. Based on the bibliographical analysis, the selection of films on the subject and a series of interviews with academics, filmmakers and activists, it proposes a reflection on the relevance and consequences of the nakba and its representations in Palestinian cinema.El artículo presenta una discusión a partir de una perspectiva de género sobre las representaciones de la nakba en la historia cultural y política palestina en tanto sitio de memoria. Se indaga sobre las narrativas construidas en torno a este hecho fundamental de su historia, así como sus reverberaciones al interior de la comunidad y su construcción identitaria. A partir del análisis bibliográfico, la selección de filmografía sobre el tema y una serie de entrevistas con académicas, cineastas y activistas se propone una reflexión sobre la vigencia y las consecuencias de la nakba y sus representaciones en el cine palestino
La influencia del pensamiento neoliberal en la internacionalización del petróleo de Oriente Medio y del Norte de África
No full textThis article examines the creation of the Middle East and its extension to the MENA region as a key territory for global oil supply within capitalism. It argues that Middle Eastern oil poses a challenge to hegemony because of its abundance, quality and lower cost compared to US oil. The capitalist energy model seeks to maintain hegemonic power by ensuring that energy flows and prices favour the hegemonic powers.
Control over the Middle East\u27s oil wealth has been achieved by transforming its oil into an "international" resource through international companies and markets. Historically, this process has been led by two oil regimes: the Seven Sisters and the OPEC-IEA duo. The "international" principle originated in the League of Nations mandates of the 1920s, driven by a neoliberal ideological and civilisational project in the region.
The article also discusses how changes after the Second World War, such as increased demand for oil in Europe and Japan and decolonisation, challenged the existing oil regime. In the 1970s, AOPEC and the Non-Aligned Movement sought autonomous economic development, challenging the neoliberal perspective. However, these actions reinforced OPEC\u27s role as an organisation supporting the international oil market, forcing member states to abandon national development efforts in favour of OPEC quotas. In this way, OPEC is presented as a neoliberal counterweight to Third Worldism.Este artículo examina la creación de Oriente Medio y su extensión a la región MENA (Middle East and North Africa) como un territorio clave para el suministro de petróleo en el capitalismo global. Se argumenta que el petróleo de Oriente Medio plantea un desafío a la hegemonía debido a su abundancia, calidad y bajo costo en comparación con el de Estados Unidos. El modelo energético capitalista busca mantener el poder hegemónico asegurando que los flujos y precios de las fuentes de energía favorezcan a las potencias hegemónicas.
El control de la abundancia petrolera de Oriente Medio se logró transformando su petróleo en un recurso "internacional" a través de compañías y mercados internacionales. Este proceso ha sido guiado históricamente por dos regímenes petroleros: el de las Siete Hermanas y el binomio OPEP (Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo) – AIE (Agencia Internacional de la Energía). El principio de “internacional” se originó en los Mandatos de la Sociedad de Naciones en la década de 1920, impulsado por un proyecto neoliberal y civilizatorio en la región.
El artículo también aborda cómo los cambios post-Segunda Guerra Mundial, como el aumento de la demanda de petróleo en Europa y Japón y la descolonización, cuestionaron el régimen petrolero existente. En los 70, la OAPEC (Organización de Países Árabes Exportadores de Petróleo, en sus siglas en inglés) y el Movimiento de Países no Alineados buscaron un desarrollo económico autónomo, desafiando la perspectiva neoliberal. Sin embargo, estas acciones reforzaron el papel de la OPEP como un organismo que apoya el mercado internacional de petróleo, obligando a los Estados miembros a abandonar sus intentos de desarrollo nacional en favor de las cuotas de la OPEP. Así, la OPEP se presenta como un contrapeso neoliberal frente al tercermundismo
Arnáiz, F.: ¿Se tiran pedos las mariposas? Cómo poner en aprietos a un guía en el Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales. Next Door Publishers, 2021.
No full textMujeres Pioneras en Psicología y Educación: Visibilizando el papel de las mujeres en el ámbito de la psicología educativa
No full textThe invisibility of women is a patriarchal cultural phenomenon in which the role of women has been continuously discriminated against, silenced, and devalued throughout history in all areas of society, including the scientific field. Psychology is a science in which, as in others, women have been made invisible through various mechanisms of discrimination (territorial, hierarchical, institutional, etc.). Making the genealogies of female psychologists visible is a necessary task to restore, for social justice, the social recognition that has been denied to them. The work presented is an educational experience carried out with initial teacher training students, in which, through a Challenge-Based Learning (CBL) methodology, the aim is to rescue from historical ostracism the pioneering women in Psychology and Education, so that their roles and scientific contributions to this branch of science are valued. It is crucial to highlight the contributions of women in educational materials (López-Navajas, 2014); therefore, the result of this experience has been the design and creation, by the participating students, of various educational materials and teaching resources about the different pioneering female psychologists selected by the working groups, which were disseminated on social media.La invisibilización de las mujeres es un fenómeno cultural patriarcal en el que el papel de las mujeres ha sido continuamente discriminado, silenciado y desvalorizado a lo largo de la historia en todos los ámbitos de la sociedad, incluso en el científico. La Psicología es una ciencia en la que, al igual que en otras, las mujeres han sido invisibilizadas a través de diferentes mecanismos de discriminación (territoriales, jerárquicos, institucionales, …). Visibilizar las genealogías de psicólogas es una tarea necesaria para poder restaurar, por justicia social, el reconocimiento social que se les ha negado. El trabajo que se presenta es una experiencia educativa realizada con alumnado de formación inicial del profesorado en el que, mediante una metodología de Aprendizaje Basado en Retos (ABR), se pretende rescatar del ostracismo histórico a las mujeres pioneras en Psicología y Educación, de manera que, se valoren su papel y sus contribuciones científicas a esta rama de la ciencia. Es crucial visibilizar las aportaciones de las mujeres en los materiales didácticos (López-Navajas, 2014), por ello, el resultado de esta experiencia ha sido el diseño y la creación, por parte del alumnado participante, de diferentes materiales educativos y recursos didácticos sobre las distintas mujeres psicólogas pioneras seleccionadas por los grupos de trabajo, que fueron difundidos en las redes sociales
La memoria del dolor en el espacio Indo-Pacífico: justicia transicional y construcción nacionalista a través de digital games
No full textHistorical memory is one of the fundamental features in the formation of group identity. Authors such as Anthony D. Smith indicate that ethnicity, nation or religion are the basis of historical myths that define who belongs to a group, what it means to be a member of a group, and who the enemies are. These myths usually have a basis in reality, but they are selected or exaggerated in their historical representation. Group identity is also largely based on the memory of certain confrontations in the course of its existence. And the recourse to these past episodes can be divided into two ways: chosen glories or chosen traumas. These events are transmitted from generation to generation, whether from the family, educational or political sphere, through participation in ceremonial rituals of exaltation (joy) or sorrow. Both elements serve as a timeless link between the collectivity of a given nation, and the memory—for better or worse—as a bond of union.
This exercise in memory and identity is linked to the growing prominence of technology in recent decades, which has brought about profound changes in the communicative strategies of different state and supranational actors in international society. The contemporary fixation on strategic narratives and the need to control the media that frame how audiences perceive international actors suggest a resurgent role for soft power in the practice of statecraft. Technology is perceived as indispensable for the dissemination of certain messages, as well as for audience control and participation. Culture, values and public policy are positioned as elements of external action with the aim of persuading, influencing, shaping behaviour or pressuring foreign governments. To this end, communication strategies are designed that include educational, informative and entertainment programmes, which multiply their reach and dissemination through different formats and technological platforms. In these cases, we can speak of Technonationalism, which denotes the use of technology to promote nationalist agendas, such as in forging a stronger national identity. The memory of national heroes in the struggle against the enemy (whether in a war or as part of an anti-colonial independence process) is one of the social, cultural, political and religious identity bases of many countries. For collective memories to be functional, more important than their veracity is that they are plausible. This is achieved, above all, through intertextual references; that is, through recourse to preceding memories, and, one might say, to a canon of memory. For a place of memory to be so—and by this we mean moments of meaning-making and community—the historical whole must be perceived as authentic, which does not imply that it corresponds to the results of historical research. A rigorous and critical scientific approach to the past—as is the case with historical studies in particular—is not a prerequisite for the functioning of memory cultures. On the contrary, it can even become an obstacle. Much more important is coherence with the corresponding and already established collective memory: it is a matter of repeating what is already known. Previously accumulated information forms the conceivable framework on which all other elements operate. It is not surprising, therefore, that a growing number of countries are using the video-play format to convey to their citizens their particular vision of history and of the state\u27s collective memory. This glorification effort, in addition to the physical space (numerous large-scale memorials with high budgets), has for years been accompanied by video games, which allow greater accessibility to state narratives.
Popular culture through entertainment can be a tool with great memorialising potential to raise awareness of traumatic events of the past in order to prevent them from being repeated and forgotten. Video games, due to their accessibility and empathetic capacity, contribute to transitional justice manoeuvres in the Indo-Pacific space.
Q.I.1: How does entertainment, through memorialisation, contribute to transitional justice in Asia? In post-conflict contexts (of which Southeast Asia is very representative), it is a primary obligation of the state to strengthen access to a system of guarantees that involves enquiry and the search for truth, through the action of the competent bodies, in order to finally do justice. In the case of democratic transition processes, achieving national reconciliation necessarily requires recovering historical memory as a collective patrimony of society, and it is important to remember that there can be no democracy without justice, nor justice without truth. The four basic pillars of Transitional Justice are: truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition. To this end, it is essential to know about the crimes and human rights violations. And, in this sense, popular culture, through its new forms of representation and narration, constitutes a very powerful and valid tool (Jeffery y Kim, 2013; Kim, 2015; Frank y Falzone, 2021; Mälksoo, 2023).
Q.I.2: Can we consider video games focusing on contemporary Indo-Pacific traumatic episodes as virtual museums of memory, and are they a suitable medium for the digital memory of grief among the new Asian generations? We will start from Vandewalle\u27s (2023) conception that, when referring to titles such as God of War: Ragnarök, categorises them as mythological virtual museums. In our case, this epithet will be replaced by the propagandistic and educational component, a practice already visible in the video games that pay homage to the Iranian martyrs in the context of the Sacred Defence (Moreno y Moya, 2023) or those Chinese titles that reinterpret and disseminate events such as the Nanjing massacre of 1937 (Schneider, 2018).
Following the results of research on commemorative cultures (Kolek et al., 2021; Pfister y Görgen, 2020), it is plausible to think that players not only internalise mechanisms, but also the lived emotional "history" that is virtually reconstructed in the game. This makes sense, since "media are not neutral carriers of memory-relevant procedural information, [but] seem to encode what they generate and multiply: versions of reality and the past, values and norms, concepts of identity". Felix Zimmermann\u27s model of the \u27atmosphere of the past\u27 is particularly appropriate here, since \u27atmospheres are a means employed to generate certain sensations in certain contexts, such as that of authenticity in the context of historical video games\u27 (2021, p. 25). In order to try to analyse how memory of the past is constructed and the reconciliatory and educational potential of video games such as Unfolded, Resistance War Online and Jordan Magnuson\u27s interactive creations about Cambodia, we will also use the categories of memory proposed by Jo (2022, p. 775) for the case of South Korea: framing, accrediting and binding. We will focus mainly on framing, that is, strategies for reconstructing the past through digital media.La presente investigación, desde una óptica postestructuralista de las Relaciones Internacionales (poniendo el énfasis en la importancia de las emociones y las imágenes en la construcción identitaria de las sociedades) profundiza en los procesos de conmemoración y justicia transicional en el espacio indo-pacífico. A través de la tecnología interactiva e inmersiva, en concreto a través de los digital games, se analiza la memoria del dolor y su reconstrucción/divulgación en Camboya, China y Corea del Sur. El marco teórico se centrará en el concepto de new media memory o memoria mediada y en el papel de esta índole de creaciones culturales en los procesos de reparación, recuperación y difusión de acontecimientos traumáticos en el sentir identitario de las naciones apuntadas. Partiendo de los paradigmas metodológicos de Alexander Vandewalle y de Eun A Jo, se destaca cómo la narrativa, mecánicas y códigos visuales de los videojuegos seleccionados (The Killer, A Brief History of Cambodia, Resistance War Online y Unfolded: Camellia Tales) los convierten en museos interactivos de la memoria al servicio de fines reconciliadores, educativos y, por supuesto, nacionalistas. En la primera sección se hace un detallado repaso de las conexiones que se establecen entre la tecnología y el entretenimiento en las estrategias presentes de recuperación de la memoria colectiva, teniendo en cuenta que este género de recreaciones y representaciones tienen poder político y restaurador cuando los actores sociales las movilizan con fines estratégicos. En un segundo bloque aparece el estudio de caso, es decir, diferentes videojuegos cuya temáticas recrean, denuncian y divulgan episodios muy dramáticos en la historia reciente de Asia-Pacífico en el siglo XX: el genocidio camboyano bajo el régimen de Pol Pot, los asesinatos masivos y violaciones de derechos humanos en China desde la ocupación japonesa de Manchuria hasta el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, y, finalmente, la masacre de la isla de Jeju, en Corea del Sur, en 1948, por parte del gobierno de Seúl y las fuerzas de ocupación de EEUU. Este estudio revela que la memoria colectiva y su representación digital adopta formas muy variadas dependiendo de la intención de las políticas estatales (o las ausencias de las mismas) que las promueven: reconciliación (saga Unfolded), denuncia y nacionalismo exacerbado (Resistance War Online) o divulgación a través de la simplicidad compositiva (títulos sobre Camboya).
Las transformaciones de la Paz Liberal en los albores del siglo XXI
No full textEditorial número 55 de la revista Relaciones Internacionales "Las transformaciones de la Paz Liberal en los albores del siglo XXI".Editorial número 55 de la revista Relaciones Internacionales "Las transformaciones de la Paz Liberal en los albores del siglo XXI"
La geoeconomía y geopolítica de las rivalidades China-Estados Unidos en las estrategias del Asia-Pacífico vs Indo-Pacífico
No full textIn the first decades of the 21st century, significant changes in global politics and economics are underway, especially the growing participation of the Pacific Rim in global production and its growing productive and regional integration. The Asian economic recovery, in a historical process of convergence resulting from its industrial catching up, and the historical return of its greater participation in the world economy, place the Asian borders of the Pacific as the most dynamic region in economic terms of the 21st century. China, in turn, becomes the main geoeconomic power that emerged from this process, which has important regional consequences in Asian productive integration, in trade flows, in China-United States disputes, as well as geoeconomic and geopolitical instruments with structural changes. The process of productive fragmentation, with the participation of multiple geographically close economies, based on the export of intermediate goods and the re-export of final goods to the United States and among each other, has shaped Asian productive integration and the establishment of current trade agreements in this region. This has resulted in a progressive promotion and consolidation of the regional integration process. The formation of large blocs, as well as the processes of political and economic integration between geographically close countries, are consolidated trends in the international order of the current century. While regional integration is usually the result of decades of gradual establishment, this process in the Pacific has taken a relatively short time. A process initially led by Japan, based mainly on the productive fragmentation and segmentation of its transnational companies, the Asian productive integration was the catalyst for the initial phases of integrating the Asia-Pacific basin. From production bases installed mainly in Southeast Asia and China, integration continued with the participation of the Asian Tigers, and with the rise of China and its domestic market, especially since the 2000s. The institutions of the region that formed a regional integration process began a great consolidation in the 1990s, with the expansion of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) itself, and the creation of consultation blocs, such as ASEAN+3 (APT)–along with Japan, South Korea, and China–and the intensification of bilateral trade agreements in the region. ASEAN therefore became the epicenter of this process, along with a rapid economic and diplomatic rapprochement with China, from the 2001 trade agreement and the broad trade partnership established since then, culminating in mutual commercial leadership in foreign trade in the 2010s. In recent decades, this region has become the most dynamic in terms of economic growth worldwide, which has promoted its integrative processes, especially the largest trade agreement in force, as well as the constitution of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The consolidation of this mega-bloc, having China as its main promoter, leads to the gradual displacement of the United States as the geoeconomic and main center of productive integration in the Pacific, with significant geopolitical consequences. The dynamics of trade center and productive chains transfers in the region, currently in a gradual process of intraregional concentration in Asia-Pacific, and with great relevance for the Chinese role in the formation of new geoeconomic structures, reinforces and consolidates the changes of geopolitical order. The United States-China disputes, over the preponderance of their distinct geopolitical and geoeconomic projects in the Pacific, are based on the different outcomes and strategic interests of their foreign policies. These two great powers dispute privileged insertions and support in the markets and societies of the region, especially between the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other technological powers of the Pacific–mainly Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. The different accession configurations of economic and political-security agreements such as the RCEP, the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), align the intensity of clashes in terms of preferences between different geostrategies for the Pacific. These include an Asia-Pacific geostrategy of geoeconomic preponderance and with Chinese cooperation, and a concurrent Indo-Pacific geostrategy of with the assumed leadership of the United States in regional security agreements. This integration model reinforces the mutual importance of the main technological powers in the region, by intensifying intraregional trade, despite obstacles of geopolitical basis in territorial and maritime disputes, and in the attempt to exploit regional rivalries for geopolitical-geostrategic purposes. This situation is present in China-US rivalries for influence in the Asia-Pacific, and in the United States attempt to form an anti-China coalition in the region, despite the limited presentation, so far, of an United States-led economic alternative to Asian development. This reinforces an advantageous Chinese position in establishing the norms of productive and regional integrations. Finally, the RCEP agreement demonstrates Chinese geoeconomic preponderance within ASEAN, which together form the current stage of deepening integration of the Asian Pacific Rim. These disputes over preferences and different associations are progressively configured as mutually exclusive in an action of containment. An example is participation in the Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States, which constitutes an attempt to reject progressive integration in the Asia-Pacific with Chinese prominence; while the reduction of trade barriers in the region is in accordance with the trend of displacement of transactions with other regions for the development of intraregional trade between the members of RCEP and CPTPP. These competitive elements–in production and preferential markets–form different geopolitical alignments, gradually placing China and the United States in opposite positions, with essential differences in geopolitical and geoeconomic strategic terms. Therefore, the central argument of this article proposes that the distinct geostrategies of Beijing and Washington are based, respectively, on the encounters of geoeconomics vs. geopolitics, as well as in the Chinese proposal to deepen regional economic integration and the establishment of multilateral commitments. This is in contrast with the American positions of military containment strategy, based on suspicions of other regional powers along with the rise of China, frequently described as a form of threat. However, security-focused rhetoric was still not enough to significantly modify the progressive integration of the Asia-Pacific.En las primeras décadas del siglo XXI, cambios significativos en la política y economía mundiales están en curso, especialmente la creciente participación de los bordes del Pacífico en la producción mundial y su creciente integración productiva y regional. En las últimas décadas, esta región se ha cambiado en la más dinámica en términos de crecimiento económico a nivel mundial, lo que ha impulsado sus procesos integrativos, especialmente los mayores acuerdos comerciales vigentes, y se destaca la constitución del RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership). La consolidación de este megabloque, en China como su principal promotor, enfatiza el gradual desplazamiento de Estados Unidos como centro geoeconómico y de liderazgo de la integración productiva en el Pacífico, con consecuencias geopolíticas significativas. La dinámica de transferencia del centro de comercio y de las cadenas productivas en la región, actualmente en proceso de concentración intrarregional en Asia-Pacífico, con gran relevancia para el rol chino en la formación de nuevas estructuras geoeconómicas, refuerza y consolida los cambios de orden geopolítico. Las disputas Estados Unidos-China, de preponderancia de sus proyectos geopolíticos y geoeconómicos distintos en el Pacífico, están basadas en los diferentes resultados e intereses estratégicos de sus políticas exteriores. Estas dos potencias disputan inserciones privilegiadas y apoyos en los mercados y sociedades de la región, especialmente entre los países de la ASEAN (Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático) y las otras potencias tecnológicas del Pacífico – Japón, Corea del Sur y Taiwán. Las distintas configuraciones de adhesión de acuerdos económicos y políticos, como el RCEP, el CPTPP (Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership), el Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue), y el IPEF (Indo-Pacific Economic Framework), alinean la intensidad de los choques en términos de preferencias entre geoestrategias distintas para el Pacífico – una estrategia del Asia-Pacífico, de preponderancia geoeconómica con cooperación china, y una estrategia del Indo-Pacífico como concurrente, de carácter geopolítico sobresaliente a partir del asumido liderazgo de Estados Unidos en acuerdos de seguridad regional. Estas disputas por preferencias y adhesiones distintas se configuran progresivamente en carácter mutuamente exclusivas, como la participación en la estrategia del Indo-Pacífico por parte de Estados Unidos, en un intento de rechazo de una progresiva integración en Asia-Pacífico con protagonismo chino, mientras la reducción de barreras comerciales en la región está de acuerdo con la tendencia de desplazamiento de transacciones con otras regiones para el desarrollo del comercio intrarregional. Estos elementos competitivos forman alineamientos geopolíticos distintos, y plantean China y Estados Unidos gradualmente en posiciones opuestas. Por lo tanto, el argumento central de este artículo propone que las geoestrategias distintas de Beijing y Washington son basadas, respectivamente, en los encuentros de la geoeconomía vs geopolítica; así como en la propuesta china de profundizar la integración económica regional y el establecimiento de compromisos multilaterales, en choque con las posiciones americanas de estrategia militar de contención, a partir de sospechas de otras potencias regionales con el ascenso chino, frecuentemente descrito como una forma de amenaza. Sin embargo, la retórica con enfoque en seguridad todavía no fue suficiente en modificar significativamente la progresiva integración de Asia-Pacífico
Los archivos de los rechazos: Las políticas económicas globales de ocupar espacios como transfeministas de color en las RI
No full textThis translation into Spanish of an article written in English for the International Feminist Journal of Politics serves two transfeminist political purposes. The first is to reflect the multilingual nature of the process that produced this text. In particular, one of the authors does not speak English, so this translation gave them access to the article. In turn, the co-author\u27s access to the content of the article gave the rest of us the opportunity to listen to their critique and to modify our words and our artwork according to their critique. We believe that the existence of a Spanish version will allow for a different kind of reader and viewer, and in turn allow us to listen to a different kind of interpellation and critique in Spanish. The second purpose is to respond to a dissatisfaction we have with what is written about the global politics of knowledge production outside the global North. The rest of the Spanish introduction and conclusion will be devoted to demonstrating this nonconformity through a critical reading of a book by French Professor Audrey Alejandro of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), based on J.C.D. Calderón\u27s experience of the rejection of his poetry, and to making a neo-materialist and transfeminist methodological contribution to reflexive studies and the sociology of knowledge in the discipline through evidence from the archive of poetry rejections.
This article was originally published under the title Learning how to embrace trans/feminisms and queer/cuir-ness in International Relations through art and creative methods in the International Feminist Journal of Politics. The authors of the article are the same as the authors of this publication: J.C.D. Calderón, Francisca Calderón Melo, Paolo Axolotl and Zafo. This translation has been made with the permission of Taylor & Francis Ltd, https://www. tandfonline.com.Esta traducción al español de un artículo que se gestó en inglés para la revista International Feminist Journal of Politics cumple dos propósitos políticos transfeministas. El primero es reflejar el carácter multilingüe del proceso que produjo este texto. En particular, una de les autores no sabe inglés, entonces esta traducción permitió su acceso al artículo. A su vez, el acceso de la coautora al contenido del artículo, nos dio la posibilidad al resto de nosotres de escuchar su crítica y de modificar nuestras palabras y nuestras obras de arte de acuerdo a su crítica. Pensamos que la existencia de una versión en español habilitará otra clase de lectores y espectadores y, a su vez, nos permitirá escuchar otra clase de interpelaciones y de críticas en español. El segundo propósito es responder a una inconformidad que tenemos sobre lo que se escribe acerca de las políticas globales de la producción de conocimiento fuera del Norte Global. El resto de la introducción al español y la conclusión se dedicarán a mostrar dicha inconformidad por medio de una lectura crítica a un libro de la profesora francesa Audrey Alejandro de la London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) (Escuela de Economía y Ciencia Política de Londres) a partir de la experiencia de J.C.D. Calderón con los rechazos a sus poemas y a hacer un aporte metodológico neo-materialista y transfeminista a los estudios reflexivos y de sociología del conocimiento en la disciplina por medio de la evidencia del archivo de los rechazos a la poesía.
Este artículo fue publicado originalmente con el título Learning how to embrace trans/feminisms and queer/cuir-ness in International Relations through art and creative methods en la International Feminist Journal of Politics. Les autores de dicho artículo son les mismes que les autores de esta publicación: J. C. D. Calderón, Francisca Calderón Melo, Paolo Axolotl y Zafo. Esta traducción se hizo con el permiso de Taylor & Francis Ltd, https://www. tandfonline.com