Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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Atomistic and holistic exponence in Information-Based Morphology
Full text linkIn this paper we discuss two contrasting views of exponence in inflectional morphology: the atomistic view, where content is associated individually with minimal segmentable morphs, and the
holistic view, where the association is made for the whole word between complex content and constellations of morphs. On the basis of
data from Estonian and Swahili, we argue that an adequate theory of inflection should be able to accomodate both views. We then show that
the framework of Information-based Morphology (Crysmann and Bonami, 2016) is indeed compatible with both views, thanks to relying on realisation rules that associate m units of forms with n units of content
The syntax of the not only ... but also ... construction
Full text linkThis paper investigates the syntax of the English not only ... but also ... construction, focusing on the linearization possibilities of not only. Based on novel corpus data, I argue that the not only ... but also ... construction exhibits different properties from the not ... but ... construction or the adverbial only. I propose that a linearization-based account, along with coordinate ellipsis, can explain the various linearization possibilities of not only. I also propose that the construction as a whole is a subtype of the type correlative-coord-ph, which is a novel subtype of coord-ph. Finally, I argue that subject-auxiliary inversion triggered by the clause-initial not only is a new subtype of the type negative-inversion-ph
Against split morphology
Full text linkIn this paper I present data from several Niger Congo languages, illustrating how the paradigms which make up the noun class systems of these languages are problematic to analyze within traditional morphosyntactic frameworks. I outline possible solutions to this problem, and argue for the introduction of an exemplar based Word and Paradigm (Blevins 2006) approach to morphology within SBCG. I then outline the consequences of this approach for the structure of the SBCG lexicon
An incremental approach to gapping and conjunction reduction
Full text linkIn this paper I present an incremental approach to gapping and conjunction reduction where it is assumed that the first sentence in these constructions is fully parsed before the second sentence with the elided verb is parsed. I will show that the two phenomena can be given a uniform analysis by letting the construction type of the first conjunct be carried over to the second conjunct. This construction type imposes constraints on the arguments that the second conjunct can have. The difference between gapping and conjunction reduction is captured by the already existing constructions for sentence and VP coordination. The analysis is implemented in an HPSG grammar of Norwegian
Agreement and interpretation of binominals in French
Full text linkThis paper investigates the structure and agreement of coordinated binominals in the form Det N1 et N2 in French. We provide corpus data and experimental data to show that different strategies exist, depending on their readings: singular Det for joint reading (mon collègue et ami, \u27my.MSG colleague.MSG and friend.MSG\u27), plural Det agreement (mes frère et soeur \u27my.PL brother.MSG and sister.FSG\u27) or closest conjunct agreement (mon nom et prénom, \u27my.MSG surname.MSG and first name.MSG\u27) for split reading. These results challenge previous syntactic analyses of binominals (Le Bruyn and de Swart, 2014), stating that Det combines with N1, forming a DP and the later coordinates with N2. We then propose an HPSG analysis to account for French binominals
Explanations and ˋˋengineering solutions\u27\u27? Aspects of the relation between Minimalism and HPSG
Full text linkIt is not simple to compare Minimalism and HPSG, but it is possible to identify a variety of differences, some not so important but others of considerable importance. Two of the latter are: (1) the fact that Minimalism is a very lexically-based approach whereas HPSG is more syntactically-based, and (2) the fact that Minimalism uses Internal Merge in the analysis of unbounded dependencies whereas HPSG employs the SLASH feature. In both cases the HPSG approach seems to offer a better account of the facts. Thus, in two important respects it seems preferable to Minimalism
Partial inversion in English
Full text linkA typical
finite clause in English has a single constituent that serves as subject. This constituent precedes
the finite verb in non-inverted clauses like simple declarative clauses, follows the finite verb in
inverted clauses like polar questions, agrees in person and number with the finite verb and with a
tag subject when a tag is present, undergoes subject raising, and so on (Postal 2004). Five
constructions violate these generalizations and in the literature have called into question the
identity of the subject constituent. In each of these five constructions the finite verb agrees with
a following constituent in a declarative clause despite the fact, among others, that the constituent
preceding the verb exhibits subject behaviors of the kind identified by Keenan (1976). To the
authors’ knowledge, despite intensive analysis of several of these patterns, the group as a whole
has not been subject to prior study. The constructions are: Presentational Inversion (e.g., On the
porch stood marble pillars), Presentational there (e.g., The earth was now dry, and there grew a
tree in the middle of the earth, Deictic Inversion (e.g., Here comes the bus), Existential there (e.g.,
There’s a big problem here) and Reversed Specificational be (e.g., The only thing we’ve taken back
recently are plants). The approach of Sign-Based Construction Grammar (Sag 2012) enables us to
establish precisely what all five patterns have in common and what is particular to each, revealing
that a constructional, constraint-based approach can extract the correct grammatical
generalizations, not only in ‘core’ areas of a grammar, but also in the hard cases, where concepts
such as subject, which readily handle the more tractable facts, fail to fit the facts at hand. We
see further that the five split-subject patterns, sometimes identified as clausal, yield to a
strictly lexical analysis
Simple and complex comparatives in Modern Standard Arabic
Full text linkModern Standard Arabic (MSA) has simple and complex comparatives, which look rather like their counterparts in many other languages. MSA simple comparatives are indeed like those of other languages, but MSA complex comparatives are quite different. They involve an adjective with a nominal complement, which may be an adjectival noun or an ordinary noun, and are rather like so-called ˋadjectival constructs\u27. Simple comparatives, complex comparatives, and adjectival constructs can all be analysed with lexical rules within HPSG
Adverb agreement in Urdu, Sindhi and Punjabi
Full text linkWe discuss agreeing adverbs in Urdu, Sindhi and
Punjabi. We adduce crosslinguistic evidence that is based mainly on
similar patterns in Romance and posit that there is a close connection
between resultatives and so-called pseudo-resultatives, which the
agreeing adverbs appear to instantiate. We propose a diachronic
relationship by which the originally predicative part of a resultative
is reinterpreted as an adjunct that modifies the overall event
predication, not just the result
Flexible phrasal constructions, constituent structure and (cross-linguistic) generalizations: A discussion of template-based phrasal LFG approaches
Full text linkThis paper discusses recent LFG proposals on resultative and benefactive constructions. I show that
neither resultative nor benefactive constructions are fully fixed and that this flexibility requires
traces or a stipulation of constructional templates at several unrelated places in the grammar,
something that is not necessary in lexical approaches.
A second part of the paper deals with the active/passive alternation and shows that
language-internal generalizations are missed if constraints are assumed to be contributed by phrase
structure rules. A third part examines the parallel constructions in German and shows that
cross-linguistic generalizations are not captured by phrasal approaches