Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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Peripheral ellipsis and verb mismatch
Full text linkRight-node raising is usually set apart from other elliptical
constructions for imposing a strict identity condition between the
omitted and the peripheral elements. Since Pullum & Zwicky (1986), it
is assumed that only syncretic forms may resolve a feature conflict
between the two conjuncts (I certainly will and you already have set
the record straight. ). We present an empirical study of RNR with
final verb in English and French that shows that verb mismatch does
occur in corpora with and without syncretic forms, i.e. that
syncretism does not appear to play a role. We present an acceptability
judgement task on French that confirms this hypothesis. We therefore
propose a new HPSG analysis of RNR that is based on sharing LID
features and not morphophonological forms
Externally and internally headed relative clauses in Marori
Full text linkThis paper discusses relative clauses (RCs) in Marori,
showing that this language unusually has almost all of relative clause
types, from headed/headless, externally/internally headed,
single-/double-headed, to pre-/post-head, to attached/detached
RCs. Special attention is given to internally headed relative clauses
(IHRC). It is argued that Marori IHRCs are of the restrictive or
non-maximalising type, which accounts for certain intriguing
properties, such as their indefiniteness constraints and the
possibility for RC stacking
On the perfect tense-aspect in K\u27ichee\u27an Mayan: An LFG approach
Full text linkPrevious accounts of the
perfect tense-aspect in the K\u27ichee\u27an languages have concluded that
the category or part-of-speech of the perfect is a verb, or less
often, a participle. We believe otherwise. Empirical support is
presented for the hypothesis that the perfect is expressed using
either a deverbal participial adjective or a deverbal possessed
nominal in the form of a detransitivized non-verbal predicate. We show
that the perfect always consists of a one-place intransitive but that
it, nonetheless, retains the capacity to express two argument
roles. Further, we argue that the perfect is, in fact, a perfect. We
present the various semantic types of perfect, including the perfect
of result and the experiential perfect, and also show the temporal
restrictions that constrain the perfect. The analyses are implemented
using the syntactic architecture of LFG
Second-position clitics and the syntax-phonology interface: The case of Ancient Greek
Full text linkIn this paper we discuss second position clitics in Ancient
Greek, which show a remarkable ability to break up syntactic
constituents. We argue against attempts to capture such data in terms
of a mismatch between c-structure yield and surface string and instead
propose to enrich c-structure by using a multiple context free grammar
with explicit yield functions rather than an ordinary CFG
Basic copula clauses in Indonesian
Full text linkWe want to show how basic copula clauses in
Indonesian can be dealt with within the framework of Head Driven
Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) (Pollard & Sag, 1994). We analyzed
three types of basic copula clauses in Indonesian: copula clauses with
noun phrase complements (NP) expressing the notions of \u27proper
inclusion\u27 and \u27equation\u27, adjective phrases (AP) expressing
\u27attribution\u27, and prepositional phrases (PP) expressing relationships
such as \u27location\u27. Our analysis is implemented in the Indonesian
Resource Grammar (INDRA), a computational grammar for Indonesian
(Moeljadi et al., 2015)
On pseudo-non-finite clauses in Welsh
Full text linkLanguages differ in how they employ finite and non-finite
clauses. Welsh finite and non-finite clauses have a similar
distribution to their counterparts in English. However, it doesn’t
look like this because Welsh has certain finite clauses which look
rather like non-finite clauses. We examine two types of
pseudo-non-finite clauses: finite "bod" clauses and finite "i"
clauses. We argue that both cases are instances of a mismatch between
syntax and morphology, while the latter only involves periphrasis. We
provide an HPSG analysis capturing similarities and differences
between these two constructions and canonical finite and nonfinite
clauses
How much structure is needed: The case of the Persian VP
Full text linkThe aim of
this paper is to tease apart two available views of the VP in
Persian. The prevailing view of the Persian VP initially suggested in
generative studies assumes a hierarchical structure with two object
positions, mainly motivated by the existence of differential object
marking in Persian. Building on quantitative studies, we revisit this
hierarchical view and show that it is not born out by the data. A flat
structure view of the VP, on the contrary, is in line with the data
Medial left-node raising in Japanese
Full text linkIn this paper, it is demonstrated that
there is a phenomenon that can be viewed as a mirror image of medial
right-node raising and thus might be designated as medial left-node
raising, and it is argued that the properties of this phenomenon are
consistent with the predictions of the HPSG-based theory of
non-constituent coordination first proposed in Yatabe (2001) and
modified in later works such as Yatabe (2015)
The prepositional passive in Lexical Functional Grammar
Full text linkThe aim of this
paper is to provide an adequate analysis in LFG of the prepositional
passive, e.g. That problem has been dealt with, My pen has been written
with. This construction has been examined in LFG before by Bresnan
(1982), Lødrup (1991), and Alsina (2009), but empirical and
theoretical problems, some well-documented, some new, mean that such
proposals cannot be maintained. Instead, I offer an account couched in
recent work on the mapping between grammatical functions and arguments
(Asudeh et al., 2014; Findlay, 2014a) that treats the defining
characteristic of the prepositional passive not as purely syntactic,
but rather as being located at the interface between syntax and
semantics
Integrating a rich external valency dictionary with an implemented XLE/LFG grammar
Full text linkThis paper shows how Walenty, a valency dictionary of Polish, was automatically
converted in order to be used with an XLE/LFG grammar of Polish,
discussing issues such as the grammatical function assignment under unlike
category coordination and imposing constraints for lexicalised
dependents