AESOP Eprints
Not a member yet
1474 research outputs found
Sort by
A theory of technological cities
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017When two forces unite, their efficiency double. Sir Isaac Newton, 1687- Approximately Spatial planners must adapt to the modern way of planning cities. In today's modern world planners play a key role in the development of cities, but on the other hand have equal opponents in the form of policy, regulation, technology, where each individual has a certain role in development. The planner is the one who needs to adapt all the obstacles, to rise above all and successfully directed the planning of the city. Cities in Europe are the main driving force of the economy and any change of the urban environment can leave severe consequences, both good and bad. It is very important that the planner should be careful and wise with the withdrawal of drastic moves to improve the city. Cities were created with a great goal to provide the best possible life for the population. The modern city for its population should provide good health care, good jobs, education, fast and reliable transportation, a healthy environment, a variety of cultural events, a place for rest and relaxation. Humanity over the next 100 years are expected the era of technology and energy, and we, as planners we have to be ready to prepare our cities through technological and energy development. Late implementation of modern technology can leave major implications on the functioning of cities, such as non-use of renewable energy, which directly leads to uncontrolled consume non-renewable natural resources. The current and future reality of space must be understood as a system in an uncertain environment, the development of which influence tendencies and "breaks" their subsystems and the interactions between them (Dabović, 2008).Published versio
Research on the relationship between space of places and space of flows - empirical analysis based on global scale and local scale
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017In the process of reform and opening to the outside world and economic globalization, China has taken the initiative to integrate into the world economic system and has become the world's second largest economy. At the same time, the establishment of information and communication networks has greatly accelerated the process of global integration, and promoted the flow of information, knowledge and capital flows among cities all over the world. " Space of flow is constantly manifesting and becoming an important force to promote the world economic structure and the evolution of the urban system. From the original growth pole model to the central hierarchy, and now to the urban network, the development and evolution of the urban system has entered a new era. Since 2000, the research of urban network abroad can be divided into two major directions: enterprise organization and infrastructure. Among them, the former research is more mainstream, this is because the essence of urban network is the economic relationship between cities, and enterprise actors is the starting point of economic relations. In recent years, Chinese scholars have also conducted a series of urban network research based on the space of flow (Tang Zilai, Zhao Miao Xi, 2010; Zhu, Wang de chazon, 2014), and achieved certain results. In fact, space of flow is not a unique product of globalization. From the origin and development of the city, city area as the economic subject, relying on the foundation to meet the demand for goods and services sectors outside the city to achieve its circulation and accumulation. The economic links between the city is inherent in the space of flow has always been there, just under the influence of globalization, enterprises can realize the function of deeper integration in a wider geographic range (Dicken, 2011), the economic ties are greatly strengthened and obvious, showing a trend of network. The space of flow is the economic network formed by information and capital flow, while the city as the space of place is the pivot or node of the economic network (Tang Zilai, Li Can, et al., 2016), and the two are interdependent. However, the current domestic and foreign academic research are mostly spatial logic expression quantitative description and visualization of city network based on space of flow and rarely consider the space of space and their relationship (Wall, 2009), it is difficult to explain the city regional spatial organization formation and evolution mechanism. Can space of flow really replace space of place and become the dominant form of global and regional urban system? What is the relationship between space of flow and space of place? Based on the above doubts, this paper tries to construct the theoretical framework and analyze it from the perspective of enterprise organization, along the dual logical main line of space of flow and space of place, and deeply discusses the relationship between them to provide theoretical and empirical basis.Published versio
Use and design of neighborhood parks as parochial realms by mothers and elderly: a case study in Izmir, Turkey
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017Neighborhoods parks are core living environments that create an important part of the public life which help to fulfill residents’ social needs and satisfaction through social relations of neighborliness and familiarity. Neighborhood parks can ideally provide various opportunities for the well-being of especially those whose daily lives are bounded to their place-of-residence, such as women, children and elderly people. In fact, they can be used as parochial realms by these “groups-in-need.” In daily life, however, not all of these groups do and can use neighborhood parks in the ways as desired, because the access to park use is not equitable among all. In order to improve urban planning and urban design strategies that support equitable access to neighborhood parks, we need to investigate the factors causing inequitable access to the use of neighborhood parks and especially how neighborhood parks evolve on daily basis as the parochial realms by the groups-in-need. Literature mostly tends to analyze neighborhood parks as public realms. However, as Bose (2005) also state studies that are limited to “binary conceptualization (public-private)” loose the interconnections between public and private realms and obscure the experiences of women in betwen these realms as (Bose, 2005). So this study considers that especially “groups-in-need” use neighborhood parks as their parochial realm. Ultimately, the physical and social factors that cause these perceptions should be investigated.Published versio
The direct and indirect impacts of mega-events on European urban heritage
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017For the last 150 years, mega-events have been used as instruments to define cities and distinguish them from one another. They have been praised as opportunities for innovation and cursed as overly bloated expenditures, both a blessing or a scourge for the modern and modernizing city. As cities have sought to compete not just nationally, but globally, the hosting of a mega-event has become a sort of qualifier or standard to be achieved. Ongoing discussions debate the professed benefits they bring to host cities and the reality of their legacy. The legacy of the event deals not just with a physical memory, but also a new image or brand for a city that has been projected through the event. Therefore, mega-events have been used as part of cultural and creative strategies to secure much desired global recognition and attract future economic investment (Horne and Manzenreiter 2006; Roche 1994, 2002; Short 2008; Young and Wamsley 2005). The first key aspect of events is the large public spending that accompanies them, introducing a range of physical and social effects on the city, such as new infrastructure projects or facilities (Ponzini and Jones 2015). Secondly, they can also serve as a focusing-event that introduces strict deadlines accompanied by huge expectations, the conditions that can induce actors to put aside differences in order to collaborate (McGillivray and McPherson 2012). These two qualities in particular, mass investments restricted to a hard timetable presents a potential for synergy or friction with the urban heritage of a city. Generally, urban heritage is one of the more particularly sensitive areas of the city. The introduction of mass tourism, often one of the intended consequences of a mega-event can greatly impact both the physical and the social qualities of these spaces. The decisions made as part of these events can lead also to altering the physical appearance and substance of a place through either conservation or demolition of heritage. These changes can significantly alter or potentially destroy these valued areas of cities. The historic nature of a place can also inversely impact the planning of the event or potentially become a key part of the The direct and indirect impacts of mega-events on European Urban Heritage attraction. While physical changes may be the most immediately visible, the changes to the governance of heritage areas, as well as their definitions, can have the most lasting impact. Whether a city chooses to highlight and promote its built heritage as an integral asset can continue to determine how the city values and protects its heritage even long after the event has ended. The combination of heritage cities and mega-events is therefore one that contains great potential as well as risk and deserves further consideration and study. In the last several years, a number of high profile cities including Boston, Rome and Budapest have cancelled their bids to host the Olympic Games, citing extreme costs and low public support. To broaden the appeal of the Olympics and promote more sustainable practice, Agenda 2020 has established new guidelines.Published versio
The development and impacts of cultural urban regeneration in Beijing-with culture quarter, 798 art district as example
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017Urban regeneration and cultural urban regeneration are familiar terms in the western planning field, because of the long-term practices and researches. According to academics, cultural urban regeneration is an urban revitalization approach revolving around culture. For instance, the North Quarters in Manchester reconstructed and transformed from cotton manufacturing into a cultural quarter, providing job opportunities, forming galleries and workshops clusters, fostering multi-culture inclusion and beautifying the environment. The cultural quarter which gathers cultural activities, production and consumption in previous dilapidated place has been practiced rather successfullyin western cities. Factually, homogeneity, over-commercialization, gentrification, disparity of society and short-term effects are also appeared in cultural quarters in the late development stage. For many developing countries where urbanization and urban regeneration are underway at same time; the “cultural urban regeneration” is an advanced term which requires explanation, analysis and discussion. As the world’s fastest urbanized developing country, China faces emerging urban problems such as economic structure transformation, environment pollution and heritage conservation. In recent 10 years, more cultural events and cultural projects are held or constructed in Beijing and attract attentions from international planning field. It should be admitted that the political, economic and social contexts in Beijing are distinct with western cities; thus, whether the concepts of cultural urban regeneration and cultural quarter practice in Beijing should be provedPublished versio
Towards a theory of change: marginal areas and development policies in a cultural perspective
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017The paper aims at exploring the relation between processes of policy-making and cultural dimensions, assuming that cultural and symbolic dimensions are relevant in the ways in which both policy-makers and beneficiaries understand and respond to changes. The frame is represented by the Horizon2020 project Re.Cri.Re.: between the representation of the crisis and the crisis of representations, started in May 2015 and involving several disciplinary fields: psychology, urban and territorial studies, economy, sociology, philosophy. The research opportunity is given by the on-going Italian experience in national and local policies for inner areas called "SNAI" (Strategia Nazionale per le Aree Interne, National Strategy for Inner Areas). This policy, built in 2013, is operating in 20 pilot areas across the country and it will cover, in next years, all the areas defined as "peripheral" or "ultra-peripheral" of Italian peninsula, corresponding approximately to the 60% of Italian territory. In particular, our contribution will focus on the implementation of SNAI in one specific pilot area, Alta Irpinia, a Southern area located in the mountain part of Campania Region. In the following pages we will briefly present the cultural approach to policy-making in general terms, as we are elaborating it in Re.Cri.Re. project. Then we will introduce local development and cohesion policies, framing SNAI and the implementation in Alta Irpinia, with some conclusions concerning how to incorporate a cultural perspective in the processes of policy-making.Published versio
Models of urban rehabilitation under neoliberalism and austerity: the case of Porto
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017This paper critically analyses the legal and institutional framework set up by the Portuguese government in 2004 to boost ‘urban requalification’ – the Urban Rehabiliation Societies (SRUs) – and its implementation in the city of Porto. Firstly, we present a diachronic analysis that identifies phases of continuity and change in models of urban requalification in Portugal. Secondly, we present the background for the SRU model and discuss the context in which it was implemented in Porto. Thirdly, based upon a qualitative methodology, which uses literature reviews, analysis of political documents, and six semi-structured faceto-face interviews conducted with local and government officials, we analyse practices of urban requalification3 within a specific urban requalification operation, in the Cardosas quarter, which is an example of a large-scale requalification operation promoted by the Porto Vivo SRU in a context of publicprivate partnership. Discussion of the results of this operation contributes to the debate on the criteria for evaluating the success of urban requalification projects from both processual and substantive perspectives vis-à-vis their effects on families and neighbourhoods.Published versio
Dissecting the urban(ized) binoculars. ´looking at´ urban futures
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017In current discourses and practices, the future and the urban are frequently connected: our society’s future is expected to be urban and accordingly, the anticipation of futures for our cities and urbansociety-to-come proliferates (e.g. Glaeser, 2011; Gleeson, 2012). In the practices and processes of such urban futuring, the discipline of urban planning plays a central role. By its very nature and functionality, urban planning engages with the not yet of the city (a.o. Conell, 2009. Hiller and Heakey, 2016). Indeed, today, urban planners together with a diverse range of stakeholders increasingly engage in anticipations for our urban futures: how will our cities and the urban-society-to-come look like? an urban planner looks forward in time, to have some kind of impression of what the urban future might bring, and subsequently, hopes to influence and give direction to that future through the decisions and actions of planning in the present (Connell, 2009). Alongside and combined with more standardized procedures and tools, planners today have a variety of foresight methods and techniques at their disposal for their anticipatory action, ranging from forecasting and backcasting to envisioning and scenario-making (e.g. Ratcliffe and Krawczyk, 2011).Published versio
Integrated spatial and transport development in Europe: the examples of two European corridors
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017In order to better understand the impact of infrastructural improvements on spatial development, we can make the illustration of our planet as our own body: the skeleton is made of roads, railways, air and sea ports; the vascular network consists of gas and oil pipelines and electric grids, while the nervous system is based on internet cables, satellites, data scanners, etc. In sum, infrastructure, being it an instrument of physical connection, energy supply or information share, is an underlying factor generating the connectivity – the key asset class of the 21st century. Thus, the infrastructural upgrading, as it enables all other sectors to function properly, is recognised as one of the 19 UN Sustainable Development Goals. Looking back through the history of European ‘rise and fall’, after each critical period Europe started to renew itself by improving the transport corridors. In other words, Europe has a long tradition in understanding the infrastructure, in particular the railway transport infrastructure, as a tool for achieving prosperity and stability – first transnational initiatives date back to the end of the 19th century. However, the coordinated action regarding the development of transport infrastructure in Europe started in the 1980s with the European Union (EU) TEN-T (Trans-European Transport Network) policy clearly addressing the main objectives of European development – economic, social, and territorial cohesion. The first initiative was the PEC (Pan-European Corridors and Areas), developed during two Ministerial Conferences – in Crete (1994) and in Helsinki (1997), with the aim of connecting the EU-15 with the then neighbouring countries. At the same time, the TINA (Transport Infrastructure Needs Assessment) process started in 1995 focused on strengthening the linkages within the eastern part of Europe (EC, 2011a; Commission of the European In order to better understand the impact of infrastructural improvements on spatial development, we can make the illustration of our planet as our own body: the skeleton is made of roads, railways, air and sea ports; the vascular network consists of gas and oil pipelines and electric grids, while the nervous system is based on internet cables, satellites, data scanners, etc. In sum, infrastructure, being it an instrument of physical connection, energy supply or information share, is an underlying factor generating the connectivity – the key asset class of the 21st century. Thus, the infrastructural upgrading, as it enables all other sectors to function properly, is recognised as one of the 19 UN Sustainable Development Goals.Published versio
Social media geographic information in spatial planning
Book of proceedings: Annual AESOP Congress, Spaces of Dialog for Places of Dignity, Lisbon, 11-14th July, 2017The term Geodesign has recently emerged among spatial planners and GIS scholars identifying an approach to planning and design deeply rooted in geographic analysis and able to inform collaborative decision-making. As an integrated and multidisciplinary process, Geodesign includes project conceptualization, knowledge building, analysis, alternative design, impact simulation and assessment, decision-making, collaboration and participation, involving political and social actors and relying on scientific geographic knowledge support. The main innovation in Geodesign compared to previous similar approaches may be found in the extensive use of digital spatial data, processing, and communication resources, such as Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and GIS, which in principles may enable a more effective use of scientific and societal knowledge in planning, design and decision-making (ERVIN 2011). As claimed by several scholars, planning professionals and industry experts, the current technology may be considered mature enough to exploit the ICTs support in the planning practices, overcoming many of the barriers which until now have limited de facto the usage of new geographic information technologies. In addition, since the last decade a growing wealth of both authoritative and user generated spatial data resources has started to be freely accessible, slowly shaping into reality the concept of Digital Earth (GORE 1998). The latter can be considered a driver for the creation of a working infrastructure able to facilitate the diffusion of Geodesign methods for it substantially hinder the traditional issues of lack of digital data availability.Published versio