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Objavljivanje sudskih odluka: odabrani međunarodni standardi, primeri uporedne prakse i rešenja u Republici Srbiji sa osvrtom na mogućnost unapređenja nacionalnog režima
Sistem bolјe regulative u svetlu Saopštenja Evropske komisije iz 2021. godine
Evropska komisija objavila je Saopštenje o bolјoj regulativi 29. aprila 2021. godine, u cilјu unapređenja zakonodavnog postupka i kreiranja politika na nivou Evropske unije (EU). Saopštenjem je nastojala da unapredi ranije formulisanu Agendu za bolјu regulativu tako što bi se u što većoj meri uskladila sa cilјevima održivog razvoja, zelene i digitalne tranzicije i kako bi se na efikasniji način uklјučila u strateško predviđenje. Takođe, Saopštenjem se nastoji pobolјšati transparentnost, efikasnost i koherentnost sistema bolјe regulative. U radu se nakon kratkog istorijskog osvrta prikazuje u kojoj meri su se očekivanja ostvarila, kao i na koji način je potrebno dalјe unapređivati sistem bolјe regulative
Krivično delo protivpravno useljenјe sa osvrtom na značaj krivičnopravne zaštite stvarnih prava na nepokretnosti
Srpski zakonodavac je Krivičnim zakonikom u grupi krivičnih dela protiv imovine propisao dva dela sa cilјem
zaštite imovinskih prava na nepokretnostima. Autor u radu
analizira jedno od njih, protivpravno uselјenje. Učinilac ovog dela
jeste lice koje se neovlašćeno useli u tuđu zgradu, stan, poslovne
ili druge prostorije. U prvom delu rada autor ukazuje da i pored
građanskopravne i upravne zaštite, imovinskim pravima na ne-
pokretnostima treba pružiti krivičnopravnu zaštitu. Kako
bi se ukazalo na opravdanost inkriminacije, autor ukazuje i na
razlike između krivičnog dela protivpravno uselјenje i narušavanja nepovredivosti stana. U drugom delu rada, autor analizira
elemente bića krivičnog dela protivpravno uselјenje. Autor zapaža da je za ispravno razumevanje elemenata bića posmatranog
dela, od značaja razumevanje pojedinih stvarnopravnih instituta. U tom smislu, prevashodno se ukazuje na značaj poznavanja pravila za sticanje stvarnih prava na nepokretnosti. Pored toga,
predočava se da kod situacija pri kojima postoji razlika između
knjižnog i vanknjižnog titualara stvarnog prava na nepokretnosti, mogu postojati dileme pri utvrđivanju ovlašćenog lica
za podnošenje predloga za krivično gonjenje. U trećem delu rada
analizira se značenje odredbe kojom se sud obavezuje da ukoliko za
ovo delo izrekne uslovnu osudu, naloži obavezu učiniocu, da u određenom roku napusti i isprazni prostorije u koje se neovlašćeno
uselio. Autor zaklјučuje, da je navedena norma, izazvala u praksi
različita tumačenja, i da je shodno tome potrebno da zakonodavac
navedenu normu precizira
Reforms of the prosecution service in Montenegro in the 2000-2022 period - identifying donor support and influence
L’histoire d’une idée – la société civile européenne: avec la référence particulière à la théorie de Jürgen Habermas
L’idée de société civile puise son origine des démocraties de l’Antiquité. Le contenu de la notion était à plusieurs reprises altéré, à mesure que les époques historiques changeaient. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Europe a réalisé l’importance de mobiliser les forces vives des nations pour s’engager dans les grands programmes de reconstruction et de réforme. Selon les idéologues de l’époque, la construction européenne ne pourrait se renforcer que si elle s’appuie sur un mouvement social fort, ancré dans les territoires et agissant au-delà des frontières. Pour illustrer l’évolution de l’idée de la société civile européenne, nous allons tout d’abord examiner les origines du concept de société civile, notamment à travers la philosophie de Jürgen Habermas. Dans un deuxième temps, nous allons évaluer l’enjeu de la société civile dans le processus de l’intégration européenne qui lui est conférée par le traité établissant une Constitution pour l’Europe bien qu’il ne soit jamais entré en vigueur. Même si le traité de Lisbonne a repris la plupart des solutions prévues par le traité établissant une Constitution pour l’Europe, les dispositions relatives à la société civile n’ont été accepté que par fragment
Mera bezbednosti zabrane prisustvovanja sportskim priredbama
Nasilje na sportskim priredbama može ugroziti sigurnost i
bezbednost učesnika sportskih priredbi, naneti materijalnu i
nematerijalnu štetu, narušiti vrednosti koje su sastavni deo sporta,
delovati štetno po maloletna lica, ali i na kvalitet usluga koje se
pružaju pre i tokom trajanja sportske priredbe. Autor u radu analizira
meru bezbednosti zabrane prisustvovanja određenim sportskim priredbama
koja je uvedena u sistem krivičnih sankcija sa ciljem zaštite opšte
bezbednosti na sportskim priredbama. Autor analizira za koja krivična
dela se u sudskoj praksi ova mera izriče, kako sudska praksa određuje krug
sportskih priredbi na kojima se zabranjuje prisustvo, na koji način se ova
mera izvršava, kao i koje posledice nastaju ukoliko se prekrši zabrana
određena izricanjem ove mere bezbednosti. Jedno od prvih pitanja koja autor
u ovom radu analizira jeste i pitanje da li se učesnicima sportskih priredbi
kao što su sportisti ili sportski treneri može izreći ova mera
bezbednosti. Radi davanja odgovora na ovo pitanje, autor analizira ko sve
može biti izvršilac krivičnog dela nasilničko ponašanje na sportskim
priredbama ili drugom javnom skupu, a zbog obaveze izricanja posmatrane
mere bezbednosti učiniocima ovog dela na sportskoj priredbi
Frequent extraordinary parliamentary elections as a threat to the rule of law in Serbia
In December 2023, another extraordinary parliamentary election was held in the Republic of Serbia, the fourth in the last decade. Serbia has held no less than thirteen general elections since the multiparty system was introduced in 1990, with only three of them not being extraordinary. The aftermath of almost every early election consisted of the same dominant political party staying on power. This implies that almost every extraordinary election aimed at political capitalization on the status of current executive power-holder. In addition, this type of election is often held simultaneously with local elections. This cannot easily be regarded as a welcome democratic procedure. Resorting to untimely dissolution of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia may be assessed as a tool of expressing the dominant position of the executive in relation to the National Assembly. According to the frontal provision of its Constitution, Serbia is based on the rule of law, and it is committed to European principles and values. Another constitutional provision clearly determines that the duration of the term of a legislature is four years. However, caretaker governments, with much restricted legitimacy, appear to have become an objectionable rule rather than an exception. It seems to be quite unusual for a candidate state for membership in the European Union to hold so many elections earlier than constitutionally scheduled. While the practice is not formally endangering Serbia’s negotiations with the EU, relevant reports presented by the European Commission, the OSCE, and the Venice Commission express concern in this regard. In one of the reports, adopted in December 2022, it is recommended that the Serbian Constitution should be interpreted in such a way that a legitimate limitation of periodical recourse to early elections is enabled. In this paper, method of comparative normative analysis of legal framework of extraordinary parliamentary elections held throughout Europe is used, as well as method of analyzing comments and recommendations of competent European political and legal authorities. After the introductory part, the survey of Serbian legal framework envisaging possibilities for dissolving the National Assembly is presented. This part is followed by the analysis of the history of early dissolutions of the National Assembly. In the fourth part, comments and recommendations on Serbian snap elections of various European bodies are examined. In conclusive part of the paper, normative suggestions are laid out in order to curtail the possibly unconstitutional practice of arbitrary dissolution of the National Assembly. These are coupled with recommendations aiming at fostering a stable practice of protecting full-term legislative periods from frequent obstructions by the executive branch of power, since opportunistic parliamentary election timing appear to represent an indirect assault on the rule of law and on the separation of powers in Serbia
Penal Populism and (Ab)use of Criminal Law
Over the last decades, it has been recognized that criminal law in some jurisdictions is used by governments in response to crises with a view to regain citizens’ trust. COVID-19 pandemic required prompt reaction, and many governments resorted to the criminal law to implement restrictive measures, to define new crimes within the legislation in order to combat pandemic, and to endanger the procedural rights of defendants to ensure fast-track procedure. Similarly, the mass shooting in Belgrade primary school in May 2023 triggered discussion on amending criminal legislation to prevent minors from committing similar crimes in the future, but also to provide an immediate response to public request. The discussions included the possibility of lowering the age of criminal responsibility from 14 to 12, restricting civilian gun ownership and introducing stricter sanctions for violation, but also introducing death penalty or more severe penalties for certain crimes. The subject of this paper is the effectiveness analysis of the overcriminalisation, especially as the prompt reaction to crises. Discussion will include comparative experience, especially from European countries, such as reaction of Norwegian authorities after the Utoya attack and response to crimes committed by juveniles. Bearing in mind the aforementioned previous experience, the authors start from the assumption that rapid changes of the criminal law, without proper identification of needs and impact assessment lead to failure of reforms. In order to give recommendations for reducing the risks, the authors analyse the comparative response to crises and the extent of criminal law revision