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Global justice and the use of AI in education: ethical and epistemic aspects
No full textOne of the biggest contemporary challenges in education is the appropriate application of advanced digital solutions. If properly implemented, AI could benefit students, opening the door for personalized study programs. However, we need to ensure that AI in classrooms is used responsibly and that it does not pose a threat to students in any way. More specifically, we need to preserve the moral and epistemic values we wish to pass on to future generations and ensure the inclusion of underprivileged students. Moreover, there is a huge problem of different accessibility to technology and representation in the educational material between the Global South and the Global North. This can cause both global epistemic and moral injustice. On the other hand, AI has the potential to increase global justice in education. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance to use it in accordance with the values of equity, fairness, and inclusion that secure global justice for underprivileged groups
Krsto Ivanović, Budvanski anali: sa dodacima
No full textJovan Radonić, a historian, in his work The Roman Curia and South Slavic lands from the XVI to the XIX century, published by the Serbian Academy of Sciences in 1950, stated that the manuscript Cronaca degli annali di Budua di Cristoforo Ivanovich, nobile, canonico e publico pretore di Budua in 1650. was in the Kotor archive, without mentioning whether it was an original or a copy. Nikola Vučković (1901‒1981) from Budva, a lawyer interested in the past of his hometown, found as many as three copies of the first book of The Budva Annals. He discovered one in the State Archives in Zadar, although it was created in Kotor more than half a century earlier: it was dated March 20, 1898, and was made by Pavo Mikula, himself a chronicler of Budva in the second half of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century. Mikula sent the transcript to the editorial office of the magazine Rassegna Dalmata in Zadar, with a request for publication, but with no success. In the Archives of Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb, Vučković found two more copies of the first book, which he immediately established to be older and more complete than Mikula's. On the title page of one of the copies from Zagreb, there is an entry with a precise description of the chronicle. That's how Nikola Vučković found out that The Annals of Budva consist of a total of three books. In one of the two Zagreb copies, he also found a note by Šime Ljubić, stating that the original is in the library of the prominent Papafava family of lawyers in Zadar. Thus, Nikola Vučković faced a dilemma when it came to the fate of the original. Namely, Šime Ljubić, who died in 1896, claimed that the original was in Zadar, while Pavo Mikula stated that it was kept in Kotor in 1898. Therefore, Vučković concluded that the original was probably lost. He published the first book of The Budva Annals, as well as his own translation and brief introduction in Historical records no. 22(4) of 1965. Working on the book dedicated to Krsto Ivanović as part of the Literature of Montenegro from the XII to the XIX century edition (book no. 9), Miloš Milošević and Miroslav Luketić found another copy of the first book in the Historical Archive of Kotor, which in terms of content coincides with the one in Zadar. This second copy from Kotor also contains a note that it was made according to the original kept in the Archivio del Comune di Cattaro, as well as that the ending is missing. The copy is dated: Budua 16 Gennajo 1900, and it was signed by a certain N. N. The initials were resolved by someone who later wrote with a graphite pencil in parentheses: Nikola Mikula, Pavo's son.
The second book of The Budva Annals was discovered by Nikola Vučković, quite by chance, while he was studying the notebook of Budva vicar Petar Marković from 1713. in the Archive of Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts. Vicar Petar Marković copied into one book the documents related to the church of St. John – papal bulls, lists of church goods, testaments, etc. with a focus on Saint John. Vicar Marković's idea was to prove, on the basis of written testimonies, that the Budva Diocese really existed in the past and that the Budva Church was not an ordinary parish of the Archdiocese of Bar. The second book of The Annals was published by Nikola Vučković only in translation, in the magazine Boka no. 10 from 1978.
It remains unknown whether at the very end of the 19th century the original was in the archives of the Kotor municipality, as a private property of the Papafava family in Zadar, or somewhere else. The dilemma surrounding the whereabouts of the original Budva Annals was resolved only in 2018, when Ms. Gordana Ljubanović, librarian of the Local Collection of the National Library of Budva, diligently searching the library and archive catalogues in search of material of Budva provenance, came across an interesting clue that led to the solution of the puzzle. It was irrefutably established that the autograph of The Budva Annals was kept in the National and University Library in Zagreb, under the signature R7994 (ID record 00794214). The document is actually a paper codex measuring 30x10 cm, bound in a wooden cover upholstered by brown leather with golden ornaments, consisting of 378 pages. The National and University Library in Zagreb purchased this manuscript in 2006. from Antique store Slavica Verlag Dr. Anton Kovač & Südosteuropa Buchhandel. According to information on the internet, the antique store was founded by Rudolf Trofenik in 1960, with the aim of acquiring and distributing books in (South) Slavic languages. It was also engaged in publishing activities, publishing school and other (South) Slavic books, including titles in the field of South Slavic philology and history published in other languages, while phototype editions of important historical works were published mainly within the edition of Litterae Slovenicae. Its headquarters were located in Munich at Elisabethstraße 18. After more than four decades of successful work, the aforementioned antique store apparently ceased to exist. All our attempts to get in touch with this centre of Slavic books in Bavaria were fruitless. It remains unknown when and how it came into possession of the original Budva Annals. The National Library of Budva provided a recording of the manuscript (license NOC-NC 1.0), which is available on the library's website within the "Krsto Ivanović" collection (https://digital.nbbd.me/unit/krsto-ivanović-anali).
On p. 3, in the upper right corner, is the signature under which the manuscript is filed in the National and University Library ‒ R7994. In the middle of the same page, but upside down, the following calculation is written:
121
115
236
8
226
On p. 4, in the lower left corner reads: ‒285‒. On p. 6, in the upper left corner, the following is recorded:
1818
1650
268
It is obvious that the numbers on the initial pages of the book were written in different handwritings and at different times. Certainly, all those manuscripts are much more recent than the mid 17th century. Only the entry on p. 6. in 1818. is relevant to us: the manuscript apparently fell into the hands of a person who calculated that 268 years had passed from the time of writing to the current moment. The calculation is, of course, wrong because it is 168 years.
Budva annals commence from p. 7. The original contains a total of three books, and each of them is preceded by a table of contents (Tavola) with precise chapter names, their numerical designation (capitolo 2, etc.) and the number of the first page (carta 8, etc.), all written by the author himself.
The first book has a total of 46 chapters. The table of contents is presented on pages 11‒18, while the text itself follows through pages 1 [19]‒170 [184]. The author's pagination commences with the first page of the text, which corresponds to the 19th page of the book, i.e. the pdf (listed in square brackets). The narration about the past and the present moment in the life of Budva is organized according to the chronological and thematic principle. The first chapter provides a brief description of Budva as it was in the mid 17th century, with hints on almost all the topics elaborated in the following chapters. Chapters II‒XI are dedicated to the city's oldest past, the old Butama and the new Budua, which, thanks to monks or priests of the Greek rite, emerged on a cliff close to the coast, with which it eventually merged, creating a new urban settlement. It elaborates on geo-historical areas of Liburnia, Epirus and Esemptia, the origin of the people who inhabit the city, their language, migrations, Roman rule, ancient cults and Christianization. The presentation of the ruling dynasties that ruled Budva from the end of the 5th century (495) to August 1, 1442 is contained in chapters XII‒XVII (the so-called Gothic dynasty, Nemanjići, Mrnjavčevići, Nikola Altomanović, Balšići, Lazarevići and Brankovići). Although chapters I to XVII are mainly written on the basis of the Annals by Presbyter Diocleas, The Kingdom of the Slavs by Abbot Mauro Orbini (Il Regno degli Slavi, Pesaro 1601), Dimitri Franko's work on the exploits of Đurađ Kastriot Skanderbeg, certain ancient authors and local traditions, they are not entirely devoid of cognitive values. A diligent search for Krsto Ivanovic's sources could lead to interesting results in the future. From the XVIII chapter, Krsto Ivanović writes on the basis of the city statute and documents kept in the archives of the Budva municipality and the apostolic vicariate, as well as on the basis of his own experience and the oral statements of the participants in the events, especially those from the beginning of the Candian War. Chapters XVIII‒XX lead us to Budva’s fall under the rule of the Republic of Venice and the arrangement of the city administration, while chapter XXI discusses the borders of the Budva district in the past and at the present moment. Chapters XXI‒XXIV are devoted to noble families and clans, both existing and extinct, their origins and mutual connections. The writer used today's lost writings about Budva nobility from the pen of Nikola Marković, the son of a certain Gian Battista. Furthermore, chapters XXV‒XXXIII elaborate on the organization of the city, the powers of the potestate as the Venetian governor and the local council composed of Budva nobles, city officials, the organization of the judiciary, taxes, municipal revenues, the municipal office and the like. In chapters XXXIVa and XXXIVb (our numbering, considering that the author marked two separate units with the same number 34), civil families are listed and their relations with the city patriciate are shown. In chapters XXXV‒XXXVIII, the author once again returns to the distant past, in order to glorify the heroism and role of the people of Budva in past wars and emphasize the great suffering and sacrifices that Budva endured. At least five times the city was burned, and finally it was rebuilt thanks to the efforts of the Venetian authorities. This epic of war and suffering is a good introduction to chapters XXXIX‒XLIII, which narrate the first years of the Candian War (1645‒1653), primarily about the battles around Bar and Risan, the suffering of Paštrović and Maine, and the events on the border. Chapter XLI contains a eulogy in honor of the Venetian general Leonardo Foscolo, one of Krsto Ivanović's earliest poetic works, the existence of which has only been speculated about until today. In the last three chapters (XLIV‒XLVI), the author returns to the events in the city by describing the celebration of the union of nobles and commoners in 1650 and by presenting the justices of the peace and out-of-court settlements (arbitration) and unification in godfatherhoods and brotherhoods. After the end of chapter XLVI, several blank pages were left, according to the author's pagination 191‒198, i.e. 185‒192 (pages of the book, that is, of the pdf). It is possible that the author intended to add another chapter or record something that might have seemed important to him.
The second book consists of 20 chapters. The content is on p. 201 [195]‒204 [198], and the text on p. 205 [199]‒255 [249]. The first chapter describes the cathedral church and its dedication to the feast of the birth of St. John the Baptist. In the second chapter, the author links the origin of the Budva Diocese to the legendary council in Dalma, which was supposedly held in 886. The Budva Diocese was initially a suffragan of the ancient Dukljan Metropolitanate, and later fell under the jurisdiction of the Dubrovnik Archdiocese, and then the Archdiocese of Bar. The third chapter narrates about how, after the end of the Cyprus War (1570‒1573), the Budva church lost the status of a diocese and was reduced to the rank of an apostolic vicariate. The reason was the great poverty of the church, further deepened by the loss of the bishop's possessions due to the conquests of the Ottomans in 1571. Chapters IV‒VIII reflect on the poor financial circumstances and the precarious position of the canons who supported themselves from voluntary contributions and the thirtieth assigned to them by the decision of the Venetian authorities. The ninth chapter depicts the brotherhoods founded at the cathedral church, while the X chapter informs us of the acquisition of an organ for Saint John in 1642. The following chapters XI‒XV are dedicated to the church of Santa Maria in Punta, then under the authority of the Observant Franciscans, services, brotherhoods, income, but also to the cult of the Virgin in general. Chapters XVI‒XVII are about the religious calendar, holidays that were specially celebrated in the Budva church, and processions organized on certain days. Chapter XVIII emphasizes the obligation of priests to visit and bless the homes of believers twice in one year. The story of the Budva church is rounded off in chapter XIX, with a description of all the churches in the city and the surrounding area. We have already pointed out that Nikola Vučković prepared the translation of the Second Book based on the copy of Petar Marković from 1713, believing that the Budva vicar had Krsto Ivanović's autograph as a template. By all accounts, this is true, with the exception that Marković shortened and condensed individual chapters, keeping in mind the purpose of creating his notebook: in historical writings and reliable documentation, one should have found enough valid arguments that the Budva church indeed had the rank of diocese. The second book ends with chapter XX, which is entirely devoted to the description of the death and funeral ceremonies of the archbishop of Bar Giuseppe Maria Buonaldi, which took place in the second half of November 1652. Within this chapter there are also two literary compositions – Protesto della fede by Monsignor Buonaldi and an epitaph in the folk Slavic language sung by Krsto Ivanović himself. It is possible that the writer subsequently inserted this chapter into the text of the Second Book. Be that as it may, it represents a unique testimony about the end of a human existence and the life of the city in moments of great mourning due to the loss of a shepherd. At the same time, the city was gripped by a strong existential fear due to war operations in the immediate vicinity. Petar Marković did not enter this chapter in his notebook, probably finding it useless for resolving the question of the Budva church status.
The third book contains 7 chapters. The table of contents is on pages 259 [253]‒260 [254], and the text follows through pages 261 [255]‒308 [302]. The first chapter describes the traditional clothing of men and women, but also mentions the emergence of new fashion styles. The second chapter is devoted to customs during the birth of male and female children. The third chapter shows the customs on the occasion of the engagement, while the fourth chapter describes the wedding ceremonies. The fifth chapter focuses on funeral customs and the way mourning was expressed for the deceased members of the community. The sixth chapter narrates about the celebration of the patron saint of the family, while the seventh describes holiday celebrations within the family and public space, commencing with Christmas.
On the first page that follows (309/[303]) there is a note about the death of a certain Don Ivo Ivanović, mourned by many Budva lords, while Don Krsto Ivanović, a canon and teacher of the city school, dedicates him a literary work. The catalogue of the National and University Library in Zagreb identify it as The Annals’ dedication, which would mean that The Budva Annals are dedicated to Don Ivo Ivanović, apparently a close relative of the writer. However, we are more inclined to assume that it is the title of another writing, which should have been written or just copied on the following blank pages, a total of 20. Also, it is unlikely that the dedication would have been written at the end of the work. Even if Ivanović subsequently decided to dedicate The Annals to a relative who had since passed away, there is enough empty space at the beginning of the book where this short text could have been inserted. The writer wrote the numbers on p. 310 [304]‒330 [324], which leads to the conclusion that they were left for some specific document. It was probably a lament in the Slavic vernacular dedicated to a deceased relative, a priest and a prominent member of the community, similar to the epitaph for Archbishop Buonaldi. It is however possible that the blank pages were left for some other texts that were not related to The Annals. On page 311 [305] in the upper left corner, the ancient handwriting states: Fraternus ac Patrius Amor.
The book contains another two more writings recorded by the hand of Don Krsto Ivanović, completely independent from The Budva Annals. On p. 331 [325]‒339 [333] there is a list of Budva nobles (Council members), commoners, residents of Budva of Paštrović origin, artisans, soldiers and members of the city administration from 1638. Pages 340 [334]‒368 [362] are numbered by the author's hand, which also leaves space for the assumption that they were intended for some record that was never entered into the book. On p. 369 [363]‒378 [372] there are songs of honour, usually sung at the table during wedding festivities. The songs are in the folk Slavic language, but the Latin alphabet, according to the phonetic and orthographic norms of the Italian language. From p. 378 [372] the author's pagination ends. In the middle, near the top of p. 373, two illegible words are written, and in the upper right corner the number 8 stands. In the upper left corner, the remains of letters and/or numbers can be seen, completely illegible today. In the middle of the page, in a more modern handwriting and in darker ink, it says: Ja Planto Bosidchium. Is that the name of the person who had the manuscript of The Annals for some time? On p. 374 in the upper left corner it says: eijp3.
Although the title suggests the work was written in 1650, The Budva Annals were created in a three-year period (1650‒1653), for which confirmation can be found in several scribes' statements that contain specific chronological data.transkripcija rukopisa, prevod, komentari i uvodna studij
Exploring Decision-Making in Serious Games vs. Traditional Surveys: Comparative Study of Medium Effects on Risk Assessment
No full textThis study evaluates the impact of experimental mediums — serious games and traditional online surveys — on decision-making processes, risk assessment and the risky choice framing effect bias. Conducted with 77 participants from the University of Belgrade, the experiment utilized a serious game developed in Unity Engine and a standard text-based survey, presented in a counterbalanced experimental design to assess participant responses in different mediums. The primary aims were to compare how these mediums affect decision-making times and responses and to test the validity of serious games for cognitive research. Response times and decision patterns were analysed using paired T-tests and ANOVA, revealing no significant differences between the two mediums. These results suggest that serious games provide an experiential depth comparable to traditional surveys, maintaining consistent decision-making outcomes. The study underscores the potential of serious games as a robust platform for psychological research, capable of simulating decision-making environments while preserving the integrity of experimental conditions. Future research should focus on enhancing game realism and participant engagement to possibly uncover more subtle distinctions in decision-making behaviour across these mediums. This research confirms the suitability of serious games for exploring complex cognitive processes, setting a foundation for their broader application in scientific studies
Illusory contour clarity does not impact visual search
No full textIllusory contours have a varying degree of clarity depending on factors such as inducer size and the number of line endings defining the inducers. In the present study, we investigated whether illusory contour clarity has an impact on visual search patterns. Experiment 1 investigated contour clarity manipulated via inducer size, and Experiment 2 investigated contour clarity in visual search manipulated via the number of inducer line endings. Both experiments examined search for an illusory target among illusory distractors and a nonillusory target (inducers oriented outwards) among non-illusory distractors, by examining clarity (via inducer size in Experiment 1 and number of Line ends in Experiment 2), stimuli type (illusory or non-illusory stimuli) and set size (4, 6, 8, or 12 items). The results of Experiment 1 showed that while size was a significant factor, F(2, 34) = 4.78, p < .05, η2 = .03, there were no differences between illusory and non-illusory stimuli, F(1, 17) = 0.176, p = .680, suggesting that clarity did not influence search. The results of Experiment 2 confirmed the results of Experiment 1, with no three-way interaction between stimulus type, clarity, and set size, F(6, 102) = 2.13, p = .056, η2 = .002. Two two-way interactions were significant: a fewer number of line-ends slowed down search rate for larger display sizes for both types of stimuli, F(6, 102) = 5.658, p < .001, η2 = .005, and search was less efficient for non-illusory stimuli at larger set sizes, F(3, 51) = 3.90, p < .05, η2 = .002. Bonferroni-corrected post hoc comparisons suggested that search functions were steeper for inducers constructed of 3 and 5 lines at larger display sizes than for those constructed of two lines, ps < .001. Overall, the results suggest that the inference of the clarity of the illusory contour does not impact visual search since there was no difference between illusory and non-illusory stimuli with regards to clarity effects. In some conditions, the presence of the illusory contour can aid visual search performance. While clarity impacts the perception of illusory contours, it has less impact on visual search performance which might be instead driven by other factors, such as surface representation.30th Scientific Conference Empirical Studies in Psychology, Faculty of philosophy, University of Belgrade, March 22-2
First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: Excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region
No full textDespite extensive research and excavations across the central Balkans, Early Holocene sites
have so far been documented only in the Iron Gates region – for which there are several possible explanations.
Some scholars argue that the apparent lack of Mesolithic sites is due to inadequate research
efforts in the region, while others suggest that the ecological conditions in the central Balkans during
the Early Holocene may not have been favourable to the subsistence of hunter-gatherer communities.
Contrary to previous beliefs, recent investigations of caves in eastern Serbia have revealed that humans
inhabited the region during the Mesolithic. Traces of settlement of Mesolithic groups, dating back to
the 7th millennium cal BC and employing comparable technology and economic practices to Mesolithic
communities in other parts of the Balkan Peninsula, have been documented at the Pešterija Cave,
situated south of Pirot in southeastern Serbia. The fact that the site is located relatively close to the oldest
Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates and northwest Bulgaria, and is potentially contemporaneous with
them, offers a completely new perspective on the transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic in this
part of the Balkans
Perspektive o nastavi predmetnih nastavnika i njihov doživljaj autonomije i samoefikasnosti u radu
No full textU ovom radu polazimo od gledišta da na aktuelizaciju nastavničkih uverenja o nastavi, odnosno na ono što nastavnici zaista rade u praksi, između ostalih, utiču i činioci kao što su nastavnički doživljaj autonomije u radu i samoefikasnost u različitim oblastima delovanja. Stoga nam je cilj istraživanja bio da ispitamo povezanost između nastavničkih perspektiva o nastavi, njihovog doživljaja autonomije i doživljaja samoefikasnosti u radu. Uzorak istraživanja činila su 123 nastavnika predmetne nastave iz osnovnih i srednjih škola u Srbiji. Za prikupljanje podataka korišćeni su Inventar perspektiva o nastavi (TPI), Skala samoefikasnosti nastavnika (TSES) i Skala autonomije nastavnika (TAS). Za obradu podataka korišćene su tehnike deskriptivne statistike i Pirsonov koeficijent korelacije. Nalazi do kojih smo došli pokazuju da se nastavnici koji se osećaju autonomnije u svom radu ujedno osećaju i efikasnije u različitim aspektima rada u nastavi. Kada je reč o perspektivama u nastavi, nastavnici kod kojih je izraženije transmisivno gledište na nastavu osećaju viši nivo samoefikasnosti u domenu upravljanja razredom. Ujedno, ovi nastavnici imaju niži skor na supskali autonomije u odnosu na program. Osim toga, utvrđeno je da nastavničku usmerenost na celovit razvoj učenika i na različite potrebe učenika prati i osećaj da umeju da se izbore sa tim kako da uključe i motivišu različite učenike u nastavi, kao i doživljaj da im programi nastave i učenja u tom stremljenju ne predstavljaju značajno ograničenje. Možemo zaključiti da su nastavnički pogledi na nastavu i njihovi doživljaji autonomije i samoefikasnosti u radu međusobno povezani fenomeni, što govori o značaju rada na osvešćivanju i transformisanju nastavničkih perspektiva o nastavi, ali i potrebi da se obezbede uslovi koji bi facilitirali ove procese, a koji, između ostalog, podrazumevaju i veću autonomiju nastavnika u različitim aspektima delovanja.The starting point in this paper is the view that the actualisation of teachers‘ beliefs about
teaching, in other words, what teachers actually do in practice, is influenced by, among other things,
the factors such as teachers‘ perception of autonomy in their work and self-efficacy in different areas
of activity. Therefore, the goal of our research was to examine the connection between teachers‘
perspectives on teaching, their experience of autonomy, and their experience of self-efficacy at work.
The research sample consisted of 123 subject teachers from primary and secondary schools in Serbia.
The Teaching Perspectives Inventory (TPI), Teacher Self-Efficacy Scale (TSES) and Teacher Autonomy
Scale (TAS) were used to collect data. Descriptive statistics techniques and Pearson‘s correlation
coefficient were used for data processing. Our findings show that teachers who feel more autonomous
in their work also feel more efficient in various aspects of their teaching practice. When it comes to
teaching perspectives, teachers with a more pronounced transmissive view of teaching feel a higher
level of self-efficacy in the domain of classroom management. At the same time, these teachers have
a lower score on the autonomy subscale in relation to the programme. In addition, it was determined
that the teachers’ focus on the comprehensive development of students and on students’ different needs
is accompanied by the feeling that they know how to include and motivate different students in class,
as well as the feeling that their teaching and learning programmes are not limiting in this respect. Our
conclusion is that teachers‘ views on teaching and their experiences of autonomy and self-efficacy in
teaching practice are interconnected phenomena, which indicates not only the importance of raising
awareness and transforming teachers‘ perspectives on teaching, but also the need to provide conditions
that would facilitate these processes, which imply a greater autonomy of teachers in various aspects
of their activities
New technologies as a tool for overcoming a sudden social crisis: Availability of health care for non-covid patients in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic
No full textRad razmatra ulogu novih tehnologija u traženju odgovora na izazove
prouzrokovane iznenadnom društvenom krizom izazvanom pandemijom
KOVID-19. Empirijska analiza je izvedena na uzorku nekovid pacijenata koji
boluju od hroničnih nezaraznih bolesti koje najviše opterećuju populaciju Srbije,
koji žive na teritoriji Republike Srbije bez Kosova i Metohije i koji su regrutovani
preko udruženja pacijenata. Empirijski podaci na kojima je izvedena analiza su
prikupljeni uz pomoć fokusgrupnih intervjua. Analiza pokazuje da je pristup
zdravstvenoj zaštiti tokom pandemije bio limitiran i da protokoli koje su država i
sistem zdravstvene zaštite u hodu postavljali nisu uvažavali specifične potrebe ove
socijalno ranjive grupe pacijenata. Želeći da prevaziđu ovu osujećujuću (ličnu, ali i
grupnu) situaciju, pacijenti i njihova udruženja su služeći se novim tehnologijama,
pre nego zdravstveni sistem, artikulisali čitav niz odgovora na pandemijski izazov.
U radu se iznose zaključci teorijskog ali i praktičnog karaktera, koji nastoje da
pokažu koliko je važno inkorporirati empirijske uvide društveno-humanističkih
nauka u konceptualizaciji i budućoj implementaciji nekih novih javno zdravstvenih
protokola u kriznim situacijama kako bi se umanjio njihov potencijalni sindemijski
efekat.The paper examines the role of new technologies in articulating answers to
the challenges that produce the sudden social crisis caused by the COVID-19
pandemic. Empirical analysis was performed on a sample of non-covid patients
who suffer from chronic non-communicable diseases that burden the population
of Serbia the most, who live in the territory of the Republic of Serbia without
Kosovo and Metohija and who were recruited through patient associations. The
empirical data on which the analysis was performed was collected by focus group
interviews. The analysis shows that access to health care during the pandemic
was limited and that the protocols that the state and the health care system were
setting in the process did not take into account the specific needs of this socially
vulnerable group of patients. Wanting to overcome this frustrating (personal as
well as group) situation, patients and their associations, using new technologies,
rather than the health system, articulated a whole series of responses to the
pandemic challenge. The paper presents conclusions of a theoretical but also a
practical nature, which aim to show how important it is to incorporate empirical
insights from the social sciences and humanities in the conceptualization and
future implementation of some new public health protocols in crisis situations in
order to reduce their potential syndemic effect.Zbornik radova s naučnog skupa "Postepidemiološki stres: Istorijske i medicinske dileme" održanog 23. maja 2023. na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu- Saopštenje štampano u celin
Punishment, Imprisonment and Prisons on Serbian Soil: A Historical Perspective Unitil 1914
No full textRad predstavlja osvrt na razvoj kažnjavanja za krivična dela i instituđje zatvora
na tlu Srbije u širokom vremenskom rasponu od XIII do početka XX velca. Polazeći od op-
šteg i šireg konteksta ove problematike u Zapadnoj Evropi i Vizantiji, kasnije u Osmanskom
carstvu, ukazaćemo na ključne pojave i procese kaznene problematike, nastanka i razvoja
institucije zatvora, koliko nam to dozvoljava obim članka.The legal institutes of punishment and imprisonment, on the soil of Serbia, followed from
the Middle Ages to the beginning of the First World War, represent phenomena connected
with the wider political and social context of Western Europe, Byzantium and the Ottoman
Empire. Civilization flows from these areas shaped Serbian statehood, society, intellectual life,
ideological and political understandings, which are woven into Serbian society even today. In
medieval Serbia, the influence of Byzantine law was pronounced, in the forms of punishment
that reached us through the transcription and translation of Byzantine legal compilations,
along with authentic Serbian codifications that contained a system of punishments. After the
fall of the Serbian state under the rule of the Ottomans, there was a process of orientalization
of Serbian and Balkan societies. Part of that legacy were the punishments provided by the
Ottoman law, with the statement that some Christian legal norms were incorporated into the
Ottoman legal system, if that was important for the Ottoman empire. Turkish punishments
that particularly remained in the memory of the Serbian people, and were present in the
Turkish punishment of the Serbian population in the 19th century, when there was a gradual
struggle for the liberation of all Serbian territories from Turkish rule, are impaling, using
chengels, logs or tomruk and ,,blood“, i.e. replacing the death penalty with a fine. Serbian
authorities at the beginning of the modern Serbian statehood practiced strict corporal and
death punishments, rituals of torture and public display of bodies after execution, which were
partly taken over from Western countries, with the aim of intimidating the people in order to
prevent serious crimes. Later, as generations of educated lawyers, formed abroad, appear in
Serbia, the legacy of modern European legal ideas and the influence of advanced European
criminal codes also enter Serbian criminal law regulations and codifications. It was similar
with the institution of the prison system, whose reform and organization was worked on,
slowly and not always with the desired results, so that, at the beginning of the 20th century,
the Irish model was accepted as the most advanced
Saint Sava and Monastery vineyards
No full textПредмет рада је старање Саве Немањића о потребама монашких установа за виноградима, што је представљало једну од главних ктиторских делатности. Сава је винограде за обновљене светогорске манастире Ватопед и Хиландар, као и за своју ћелију у Кареји, прибављао на различите начине, како самостално, тако и у садејству са својим оцем, монахом Симеоном. Довољне количине вина за монахе и остале људе у манастирском окружењу обезбеђиване су и куповином аделфата (адрфата), односно мертика. Савина брига о виноградима сагледана је на основу дела његових животописаца Доментијана и Теодосија, манастирских повеља и уговора са светогорским Протатом. Одредбе о режиму конзумирања вина унутар манастирских типика насталих у Савиној редакцији додатно сведоче о расположивости манастира овим драгоценим пићем.Considering the mandatory presence of wine in holy communion and church rituals, as well as in the regular diet of monks and other people within the monastery complex, vineyards were one of the most important assets of churches and monasteries. Sava Nemanjić, a monk of Mount Athos and the first Serbian Archbishop (1219–1233), also took care of the needs of monastic institutions for vineyards, which were usually located in their immediate surroundings. Sava acquired vineyards for monasteries and cells of which he was the patron and where he himself resided, either through his own initiative or with the material help of his father, monk Simeon, during their stay on Mount Athos. This is evidenced by his hagiographers Domentijan (middle of the 13th century) and Teodosije (beginning of the 14th century), then certain monastery charters, contracts, as well as monastery typikons compiled by Sava. Vineyards were acquired through purchase and the donation of existing plots, the establishment of new plantations, as well as the purchase and clearing of land intended for grapevine cultivation. After the extension of the Vatoped monastery on Mount Athos and the increase of its holdings in the late twelfth century, Sava and Simeon ordered the planting of new vineyards to meet the needs of the monastery. The necessary quantities of wine for the permanent members and temporary visitors at Vatoped were also ensured through the purchase of fifty adelphaton (Serbian adrfat, mertik or komat) – the fraternal share of each member of the monastic community, which included sleeping quarter (cell), food, wine, clothing, footwear, and other necessities. After the renovation of Hilandar monastery in 1198, the first monastery vineyards were acquired through the purchase of existing plots in its immediate vicinity. Thanks to Sava and Simeon, the vineyard holdings of the Serbian monastery on Athos quickly expanded by acquiring new properties on the western borders of Mount Athos and in the area of Prizren. The provisions of the Hilandar Typikon (1199/1200), which was compiled by Sava, regulated the wine consumption regime for the members of the monastic community, also attesting to the fact that Hilandar had sufficient quantities of wine in the early years after its establishment. Sava was particularly devoted to his cell of St. Sava of Jerusalem, built in 1199 in Kareya, where he himself practiced asceticism. The provisions of the Kareya Typikon dedicated to wine also indicate that Sava provided his cell with its own vineyards from the very beginning. The establishment of two adjacent vineyards on a hill in Kareya, in the vicinity of the Kohljar (Huliar) monastery, in 1217–1219 and 1229, evidently stemmed from Sava's personal needs and intentions to settle permanently in the Kareya cell and dedicate himself to hesychasm. Later sources from the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries show that Sava's vineyards in Kareya endured for even a hundred years.Међународна научна конференција Свети Сава и Доментијан, 26. и 27. Мај 2023. године у Нишу и Студениц
Disturbing the Dead after War? The Case of Grave Opening in the Late Roman Remesiana
No full textRemesiana was a Roman town in the province of Dacia Mediterranea living its heyday in the 4th century. New excavations
unearthed a portion of the town’s eastern necropolis with diverse burial forms and practices that reveal coexistence
of pagan and Christian traditions. Additionally, in some cases the drywall foundations of funerary structures
were partially demolished, while the soil immediately underneath disturbed. The formed pits were backfilled soon after
they were dug, and at least in two instances their surfaces contained traces of ritual practices. However, only in one
case the pit actually reached the grave, whereas in other four the dugouts missed them by being positioned at the
lateral sides of funerary constructions. These failed attempts to get to the content of burials most probably occurred
within the limited time span and could be dated to the end of 4th and beginning of 5th century. The period coincides
with the several decades long consequences of the Battle of Adrianople (378 CE): after the Roman armies suffered
devastating defeat, victorious forces of the “Gothic confederation” remained on the loose and/or settling within the
Empire on permanent basis. Overall, this was the age of turmoil and instability in the Balkan provinces, with more
aftereffects yet to come.
Such historical context and the mentioned archaeological evidence pose important questions: what was the “destiny”
of buried members of defeated population in the aftermath of war; was the intrusion into funerary realm just another
plundering practice or could it be something else; was this behavior conducted by “winners” or “losers” and what could
have been the motives; what can the practice of graves defilement tell us about the (state of) people who practiced
it; does this activities testify to precarity of population, and of which one - victorious or defeated.30th EAA Annual Meeting Rome, Italy 28th – 31st August 202